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Vol. 6: Quebec, 1633-1634, by Various

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Title: The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Vol. 6: Quebec, 1633-1634

Author: Various

Editor: Reuben Gold Thwaites

Release Date: February 21, 2016 [EBook #51262]

Language: English

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    THE JESUIT RELATIONS AND ALLIED DOCUMENTS

  VOL. VI


               The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents

   TRAVELS AND EXPLORATIONS OF THE JESUIT MISSIONARIES IN NEW FRANCE

                               1610-1791

      THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITALIAN TEXTS, WITH ENGLISH
      TRANSLATIONS AND NOTES; ILLUSTRATED BY PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND
                              FACSIMILES

                              EDITED BY

                         REUBEN GOLD THWAITES
        Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin

                               Vol. VI
                           QUEBEC: 1633-1634

 CLEVELAND: =The Burrows Brothers Company=, PUBLISHERS, M DCCCXCVII




                            COPYRIGHT, 1897
                                  BY
                        THE BURROWS BROTHERS CO

                          ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

                    _The Imperial Press, Cleveland_




EDITORIAL STAFF

  Editor                                 REUBEN GOLD THWAITES

  Translator from the French             JOHN CUTLER COVERT

  Assistant Translator from the French   MARY SIFTON PEPPER

  Translator from the Latin              WILLIAM FREDERIC GIESE

  Translator from the Italian            MARY SIFTON PEPPER

  Assistant Editor                       EMMA HELEN BLAIR

  Bibliographical Adviser                VICTOR HUGO PALTSITS




CONTENTS OF VOL. VI


  PREFACE TO VOLUME VI                                                 1

  DOCUMENTS:--

  XXI. Relation de ce qvi s'est passé en la Novvelle France, en l'année
  1633. [Conclusion.] _Paul le Jeune_; Paris, 1634                     5

  XXII. Lettre au R. P. Provincial de France, à Paris. _Paul le Jeune_;
  Québec, 1634                                                        33

  XXIII. Relation de ce qui s'est passé en La Novvelle France, en
  l'année 1634. [Chapters i.-ix.] _Paul le Jeune_; Maison de N.
  Dame des Anges, en Nouuelle France, August 7, 1634                  91

  BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: Volume VI.                                   319

  NOTES                                                              325




[Decoration]

ILLUSTRATION TO VOL. VI

  I. Photographic facsimile of title-page, Le Jeune's _Relation_
   of 1636                                                            94




PREFACE TO VOL. VI


Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in the present
volume:

XXI. In the final installment of Le Jeune's _Relation_ for 1633 (the
first part was presented in our Vol. V.), the superior describes the
coming (July 28), of the Hurons to Quebec, and the conference that was
held between them and the French. The missionaries make arrangements
to return with these savages, to labor in their country: but, at the
last moment, complications arise from the murder of a Frenchman by
up-country natives, and in consequence the Hurons refuse passage to the
Fathers. Le Jeune closes with an earnest appeal for help in their work
in Christianizing the denizens of the great wilderness.

XXII. This is a letter from Le Jeune to his provincial, written in the
year 1634, but not bearing specific date. He describes the condition
of the Quebec mission: states that at last the Huron country is open
to them, and Brébeuf and others have gone thither. He, with Buteux,
will go to the new settlement at Three Rivers, for which he gives his
reasons at length. The narrator recites their difficulties with the
hired workmen brought from France; and asks that these may be replaced
by lay brothers of their own order. He mentions several of these
brothers by name, describing their abilities and dispositions. The
field of missionary work is widening, and the superior tells how it
ought to be occupied, and how many should be assigned for each station.
He requests the provincial to appoint another superior in Canada, as
his duties are too heavy for him. More missionaries are asked for, and
a special petition is entered for the appointment, in this connection,
of his friend Benier.

Le Jeune describes the dwelling of the Jesuits at Quebec, and asks for
means to fence in a tract of land for their cattle, and to erect a
small house for the herders; also, to repair their buildings, injured
by the English. He plans how they may provide a portion of their own
food, hitherto wholly brought from France: and describes the crops
they have thus far raised, with the effect of the climate on each. He
deprecates the formation of too many missions, preferring to strengthen
those already formed; and relates the kind help given them by the
Company of New France.

In conclusion, our author rehearses the difficulties of reaching the
wandering tribes; asks for a seminary for the children; expresses a
desire to send some of these to France for education; and requests
aid to enlarge the Quebec mission. The manuscript which has come down
to us, lacks some of its final pages, but appears to be substantially
complete.

XXIII. This document is Le Jeune's _Relation_ of 1634, closed at the
mission house in Quebec, August 7th of that year, and sent to his
provincial at Paris. The following abstract covers the first nine
chapters (out of a total of thirteen), which is all we have space for
in the present volume.

Le Jeune, as the superior of his order in New France, describes the
good conduct and piety of the French settlers, and the wisdom and
goodness of the governor, Champlain. An account is given, from hearsay,
of the sudden death of Jacques Michel, a profane Huguenot, a tragedy
which is thought to have been a direct punishment for his blasphemies.
This is followed by a long description of the conversion and baptism of
certain savages, and the happy death of some of these. A definite plan
is advocated for the conversion of the natives in the neighborhood of
Quebec: that the French, their protectors, should make themselves more
formidable to the common enemy, the Iroquois; that the friendly natives
should be systematically taught agriculture, and induced to become
sedentary, and, while thus acquiring this technical education, should
be aided with food; that seminaries should be established, in which
Indian children, both boys and girls, can be educated at Quebec.

The superior then gives a detailed account of the religious belief,
traditions, and superstitions, of the Montagnais tribe, among whom he
had passed the preceding winter,--their fasts, rites, and customs.
He praises their intelligence, contentment, fortitude, good nature,
generosity; but condemns their filthy habits, their inveterate habit
of mockery and ridicule, their fierce cruelty towards enemies,
their disposition to utter slander, their deceitfulness, gluttony,
intemperance, vile language, and impudent habits of begging. He
enumerates the animals, birds, fishes, fruits, and roots eaten by the
savages. Their numerous feasts are described, and the customs and
superstitions connected therewith; also, their mode of hunting elks,
beavers, and other animals, and of fishing, both by nets and harpoons.
He also describes some of the fauna peculiar to Canada,--the singing
marmot, the skunk, the squirrels, and the humming-bird.


We take much pleasure in announcing that arrangements have been
concluded with Mr. Victor Hugo Paltsits, of the staff of Lenox Library,
to furnish notes for and to revise the Bibliographical Data for our
series, his services commencing with the present volume. Mr. Paltsits
is one of the members of the Bibliographical Society of London, and an
expert of wide repute in this important field.

We are under obligations to the Rev. Rudolph Meyer, S.J., of Rome,
for valuable advice and encouragement; and to the Rev. T. O'Leary, of
Edgegrove, Pa., for kindly suggestions.

                                                               R. G. T.

  MADISON, WIS. April, 1897.




                            XXI (concluded)

                       LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1633

                    PARIS: SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, 1634

                        Continued from Vol. V.




Le 4. on tint encore vn conseil: i'y assistay auec le P. Brebeuf, car
on deuoit parler de l'embarquement de nos Peres. Le sieur de Chãplain
fit ses presens, qui correspondoyent en valeur à ceux que les Hurons
luy auoyent faict. Receuoir des presens des Sauuages, c'est s'engager
à rendre le reciproque. On parla de plusieurs choses en ce conseil,
entr'autres les Hurons demanderent l'eslargissemēt du prisonnier
Sauuage qui [293 i.e., 193] a tué nouuellement vn François, cõme i'ay
remarqué cy dessus. Le sieur de Champlain fit merueille sur ce poinct,
pour faire voir aux Hurons qu'il n'estoit pas à propos de le mettre
en liberté; & qu'ayant tué vn Frãçois qui ne luy auoit fait aucun
tort, il meritoit la mort. Les Hurons furent satisfaits des raisons
qu'on leur apporta. On parla encore de l'amitié contractée entr'eux
& les François, & que nos Peres allans en leur païs confirmeroyent
puissamment cette amitié. Les Hurons estoient les plus contens du
monde: ceux qui deuoyent embarquer & conduire nos Peres auoyent desia
receu le loyer de leur peine future, nous leur auions mis entre les
mains leurs paquets ou leur petit bagage: nous estions allé coucher
au Magasin le Pere de Nouë & moy auec nos trois Peres, pour les voir
monter le lendemain de grand [194] matin dans leurs petits canots, &
leur dire le dernier adieu, quand tout à coup nostre ioye fut changée
en tristesse. Sur les dix ou onze heures du soir vn Sauuage borgne de
la nation de l'Isle grandement allié de la nation du prisonnier s'en
alla crier par les cabannes de tous les Sauuages qu'on se donnast
bien garde d'ẽbarquer aucun Francois, & que les parens du prisonnier
estoyent aux aguets sur la riuiere pour tuer les Frãçois s'ils les
pouuoyent attrapper au passage. Le Dimanche precedent ceux de la
nation de ce prisonnier auoyent tenu conseil auec les capitaines des
Montagnaits, des Sauuages de l'isle, & des Hurons, pour voir comme
ils pourroyent impetrer la grace de ce prisonnier. Les Hurons furent
suppliez de la demander: estans esconduits ce Sauuage de l'Isle allié
de la nation de l'homicide fit ce [195] cri public par les cabanes,
qu'on n'ẽbarquast aucun Francois si on ne le vouloit mettre en danger
euident de sa vie. Ayant ouy ce cry, & le Pere Brebeuf qui l'escoutoit
m'ayant interpreté ce qu'il vouloit dire, ie m'en allay auec le Pere
de Nouë au fort, pour en donner aduis au Sieur de Champlain. Nous
estions couchez dans le magasin des François, à l'entour duquel estoyēt
cabanez les Sauuages. Le Fort nous fut ouuert, & apres auoir declaré le
subiet de nostre venue pendant la nuict, nous retournasmes d'où nous
estiõs partis: nous trouuâmes en chemin les Capitaines des Sauuages
en conseil, ausquels le Truchement, selon que le Sieur de Champlain
luy auoit commandé, declara qu'on leur vouloit parler encor vne fois
deuant leur depart. Le lendemain au point du iour vn Sauuage alla
faire vne autre criée par les [196] cabanes, disant qu'on ne partiroit
point encore ce iour là, & que la ieunesse se tint en paix, & que ceux
qui n'auoyent pas traitté toutes leurs marchandises, la traittassent.
Sur les huict ou neuf heures du matïn, le sieur de Champlain assembla
de rechef les Capitaines des Hurons, le Sauuvage de l'Isle qui auoit
faict ce cri publicq, & le Capitaine des Montagnaits. Il demanda à ce
Sauuage pourquoy il auoit fait cette deffence: il repartit que tout le
païs estoit en alarme, & qu'il s'alloit perdre si on embarquoit des
François pour les conduire aux Hurons, car les parents du prisonnier
ne manqueroiēt d'en tuer quelqu'vn, & que là dessus la guerre seroit
declarée. Que les Hurons mesmes seroient de la partie, car voulans
defendre les François, on s'en prendroit à eux; & qu'ainsi tout le païs
seroit perdu. Qu'il n'auoit [197] point fait de defence, mais donné
aduis de la meschante volonté qu'auoient les parents de l'homicide:
que si on deliuroit le prisonnier que tous ces troubles tomberoient
d'eux mesme, & que la riuiere & tout le païs seroit libre. On demanda
aux Hurons s'ils ne persistoient pas dans la volonté de nous conduire
en leur païs, ils respondirent que la riuiere n'estoit pas à eux, &
qu'on prit garde auec ces autres nations s'ils pourroient passer en
asseurance: que pour eux ils ne demandoient pas mieux que d'embarquer
des François. Ie remarquay la prudence de ces Sauuages, car ils
tesmoignerent tellement l'affectiõ qu'ils nous portoient qu'ils ne
vouloient point choquer les nations par lesquelles ils doiuent passer
venans à Kebec: l'vn d'eux s'addressant à ce Sauuage de l'Isle luy
dit, preste l'oreille maintenant, ne dy [198] point quand nous serons
là hault en ton pays, que nous n'auons point parlé pour le prisonnier,
nous auons fait ce que nous auons peu: mais que veux tu que nous
disions aux raisons du sieur de Champlain? Les François nous sont
amis à tous, s'il ne tenoit qu'à nous nous les embarquerions. Il faut
confesser que les Hurons monstroient grande inclination de mener nos
Peres. Le sieur de Champlain voyant ce changement si subit fit tout
ce qu'il peut, & nous donna liberté de proposer toutes les raisõs que
no⁹ pourriõs pour faire en sorte que nos peres se peussent mettre en
chemin: il apporta des raisons tres-fortes, & tres-pertinentes. Il
se seruit de menaces. Il leur proposa la paix & la guerre, bref on
ne pouuoit rien souhaitter dauãtage. A tout cela ce Sauuage repartit
qu'on ne pouuoit pas tenir la ieunesse, & qu'il [199] dõnoit aduis
de leur mauuais dessein, & qu'on attendit pour cette année, qu'ils
dechargeroient leur cholere contre les Hiroquois leurs ennemis; &
qu'à lors la riuiere seroit libre. Ne vous en prenés point à nous,
disoit il, s'il arriue quelque mal-heur: car nous n'y scaurions
donner ordre. Là dessus pour gagner ce Sauuage ie demande la grace
du prisonnier ayant au prealable conuenu auec le sieur de Champlain,
lequel me repartit qu'il y alloit de sa vie, & que nostre grand Roy
luy demanderoit conte de cet homme qu'on auoit tué: ie le prie donc de
sursoir l'execution de sa mort iusques à ce qu'on eut parlé au Roy pour
sçauoir sa volõté. Et là dessus poursuiuant ma pointe, ie m'addresse
aux Sauuages, leur faisant paroistre l'affection que nous auions
pour eux. Que nous ne poursuiuions iamais la mort de personne: [200]
que nous taschions de mettre la paix par tout. Le Sieur de Champlain
adioustoit des merueilles de son costé, disant que nous parlions à
Dieu, que nous estions aimez de ceux qui nous cognoissoyẽt, qu'il n'en
vouloit poĩt d'autres tesmoins que les Hurons mesmes qui nous auoyent
tant cheris: que nous allions pour leur enseigner de grandes choses.
Les Hurons repartirent que cela alloit bien, & que nous auions proposé
vn bon expediẽt de retarder la mort de ce Sauuage iusques à ce que
nous eussions des nouuelles de nostre grand Roy. Ie presse donc ce
Sauuage de l'Isle, sçauoir mon si les parents de ce prisonnier sçachans
que nous plaidions pour luy, ne nous laisseroient pas passer s'ils
nous rencontroyent? Que veux tu que ie te die? respondit-il, ils sont
enragez: si le prisonnier ne sort il n'y a point d'asseurance. Ils
ne pardonneront [201] à personne. Là dessus le Truchement repartit:
S'ils font les diables, nous les ferons aussi. En vn mot le Sieur
de Champlain les intimida, & leur dict qu'ils se donnassent garde
eux-mesmes: & si vn Sauuage estoit apperceu auec des armes, qu'il
donneroit permission à ses gens de le tirer & de le mettre à mort,
& qu'ils l'auoyent menacé luy-mesme à cause qu'il va seul: mais que
d'orenauant il ne marcheroit plus en enfant, mais en soldat. Ie suis
amy de tous, vous estes mes amis, disoit-il aux Hurons, ie vous cheris,
i'ay mis ma vie pour vous, ie la mettray encore: ie vous protegeray,
mais ie suis ennemy des meschans.

    On the 4th, another council was held; I was present with Father
    Brebeuf, because the embarkation of our Fathers was to be talked
    over. Sieur de Champlain made his presents, which corresponded in
    value to those that the Hurons had made him. To accept presents
    from the Savages is to bind oneself to return an equivalent. A
    great many things were spoken of in this council; among others, the
    Hurons asked for the liberation of the Savage prisoner who [293
    i.e., 193] had recently killed a Frenchman, as I stated above.
    Sieur de Champlain sought earnestly to make the Hurons understand
    that it was not right to restore him to liberty; and that, having
    killed a Frenchman who had done him no harm, he deserved death.
    The Hurons were satisfied with the reason given them. They spoke
    also of the friendship contracted between them and the French,
    saying that it would be greatly strengthened by the Fathers going
    into their country. The Hurons were the happiest people in the
    world. Those who were to embark and to carry the Fathers in their
    canoes had already received pay for their future trouble; we
    had placed in their hands the parcels or little baggage of the
    Fathers. We had gone to the Storehouse to sleep, Father de Nouë
    and I, with our three Fathers, that we might see them off early
    the next [194] morning in their little canoes, and might say to
    them our last farewell, when all at once our joy was changed into
    sadness. At about ten or eleven o'clock that night, a one-eyed
    Savage, belonging to the Island tribe, closely allied to the tribe
    of the prisoner, went among the cabins of all the Savages crying
    out that they should be careful not to take any Frenchmen in their
    canoes, and that the relatives of the prisoner were on the watch
    along the river to kill the Frenchmen, if they could catch them
    during the passage. On the previous Sunday some Savages of the
    same tribe as the prisoner had held a council with the captains
    of the Montagnaits, of the island Savages, and of the Hurons, to
    determine how they might secure the pardon of this prisoner. The
    Hurons were besought to ask it. They refused, and this Island
    Savage, whose tribe was allied to the tribe of the murderer, raised
    this [195] general cry among the cabins, warning every one not
    to give passage to a Frenchman, unless they wished to place him
    in evident danger of his life. Having heard the cry, and Father
    Brebeuf, who was listening, having interpreted its meaning to
    me, I went with Father de Nouë to the fort to give information
    of the same to Sieur de Champlain. We had been sleeping in the
    storehouse of the French, around which the Savages were encamped.
    The Fort was opened to us; and, after having made known the
    object of our night visit, we returned to the place whence we had
    departed. Upon the way we found the Captains of the Savages in
    council, to whom the Interpreter, according to the order of Sieur
    de Champlain, declared that he desired to talk to them once more
    before their departure. The next morning, at daybreak, a Savage
    passed through the [196] camp proclaiming that they were not to
    depart that day; and that the young men should keep the peace,
    and that those who had not sold all their merchandise should sell
    it. About eight or nine in the morning, sieur de Champlain again
    assembled the Captains of the Hurons, the Island Savages who had
    made this outcry, and the Captain of the Montagnaits. He asked the
    Savage why he had aroused that opposition;  he answered that
    the whole country was in a state of alarm, and that it would be
    lost if the French were embarked to be taken to the Hurons, for
    the relatives of the prisoner would not fail to kill some of the
    party and that thereupon war would be declared; that the Hurons
    even would be dragged into it; for, if they defended the French,
    they would be attacked, and that thus the whole country would be
    lost; that he had [197] not aroused any opposition, but had merely
    made known the wicked designs of the murderer's relatives; that,
    if the prisoner were released, these troubles would immediately
    be ended, and that the river and the whole country would be free.
    The Hurons were asked if they still adhered to their wish to take
    us to their country. They answered that the river was not theirs,
    and that great caution must be observed in regard to those other
    tribes, if they were to pass by in security. As far as they were
    concerned, they asked nothing better than to furnish passage to
    the French. I observed the discretion of these Savages, for they
    gave evidence of their affection for us, in such manner as not to
    offend the tribes through which they must pass in coming to Kebec.
    One of them, addressing the Island Savage, said: "Now listen; when
    [198] we shall be up there in thy country, do not say that we have
    not spoken in behalf of the prisoner; we have done all that we
    could, but what answer wouldst thou have us make to the reasons
    given by sieur de Champlain? The French are the friends of all of
    us; if it depended only upon us, we should embark them." It must
    be confessed that the Hurons showed a strong inclination to take
    our Fathers with them. Sieur de Champlain, seeing this so sudden
    change, did all in his power, and gave us liberty to advance all
    the reasons we could, to the end that our fathers might be set on
    their way. He urged very strong and very pertinent reasons; he used
    threats; he proposed peace and war; in short nothing more could be
    desired. But to all this the Savage answered that they could not
    restrain their young men; that he [199] had given warning of their
    wicked intentions, and that the French ought to postpone their
    departure for this year; that they would vent their anger upon the
    Hiroquois, their enemies, and then the river would be free. "Do
    not blame us," said he, "if misfortune overtakes you; for we could
    not restore order." Thereupon, in order to win over this Savage,
    I asked for the pardon of the prisoner, having previously agreed
    upon this with sieur de Champlain, who replied to me that it was a
    matter of life and death with him, and that our great King would
    ask him to give an account of the man who had been killed. I begged
    him to suspend the execution of the death sentence, until the King
    might be spoken to, and his will learned. And thereupon, following
    my point, I addressed the Savages, representing our affection for
    them; saying that we had never sought the death of any one; [200]
    that we everywhere tried to promote peace. Sieur de Champlain did
    admirably on his part, saying that we talked to God; that we were
    loved by all who knew us, that he wanted no other witnesses of this
    than the Hurons themselves, who had cherished us so dearly; that
    we were going to teach them great things. The Hurons answered that
    it was very well, that we had proposed a good expedient; that of
    postponing the death of this Savage until we should have news from
    our great King. I then importuned the Island Savage, asking him
    whether the prisoner's kindred, if they knew that we were pleading
    for him, would not allow us to pass if they encountered us. "What
    dost thou wish me to say?" he answered, "they are furious. If the
    prisoner is not liberated, there is no safety; they will pardon
    [201] no one." Thereupon the Interpreter replied: "If they act
    the part of devils, so will we." In a word, Sieur de Champlain
    intimidated them, saying they must look out for themselves; that if
    a Savage was seen with arms, he would give permission to his men to
    fire upon him and kill him; that they [the savages] had threatened
    him himself, because he went about alone; but hereafter he would
    not go around like a child, but like a soldier. "I am a friend to
    all, you are my friends," said he to the Hurons; "I love you; I
    have risked my life for you, I will risk if again; I will protect
    you; but I am the enemy of evil-doers."

On dira que le Capitaine de la nation de ce meurtrier se deburoit
saisir de ceux qui ont mauuaise volonté contre les François. il est
vray, mais i'ay desia remarqué cy dessus que ces [202] Sauuages
n'ont aucune police, & que leur Capitaine n'a point cette authorité.
Ce qu'il peut faire, c'est de prier ces meschans de se diuertir de
leurs desseins, voire mesme il est arriué autrefois que les Sauuages
craignans plus les Europeans qu'ils ne les craignent maintenant, si
quelqu'vn de leurs hommes auoit quelque volonté de tuer vn François,
soit qu'il eut songé qu'il le debuoit faire, ou autrement, les autres
le flattoyent, & luy faisoyent des presens de peur qu'il n'executast
son mauuais dessein, & qu'il ne perdist par ce moyen tout le païs.
Maintenant c'est beaucoup qu'ils aduertissent les François qu'ils se
tiennent sur leurs gardes, comme ils ont fait n'a pas long temps,
disans qu'il y auoit quelques ieunes hommes qui espioient dans les
bois s'ils trouueroient quelque François à l'escart pour l'assommer,
& ainsi on [203] n'est point en asseurance parmy ces peuples; disons
neantmoins, _Qui habitat in adiutorio Altissimi, in protectione Dei
cœli commorabitur._

    It will be said that the Captain of the tribe of the murderer ought
    to have seized all those who had wicked designs against the French.
    It is true; but I have already remarked above that these [202]
    Savages have no system of government, and that their Captain has
    no such authority. What he can do, is to ask these wicked people
    to give up their designs. Indeed, it has happened before, when
    the Savages feared the Europeans more than they do now, if one of
    their men wanted to kill a Frenchman, either having dreamed that
    he was to do it, or from other cause, the others flattered him
    and made him presents, fearing that he would carry out his wicked
    intentions, and in this way they might lose the whole country. Now
    it is a great deal if they warn the French to be on their guard,
    as they did not long ago, saying that there were some young men who
    were prowling about in the woods to kill any Frenchman that they
    might find by himself; and thus we [203] are not safe among these
    people. Let us say, however: _Qui habitat in adjutorio Altissimi,
    in protectione Dei cœli commorabitur._

Mais concluons ce conseil. Le Pere Brebeuf voyãt que sō voyage
estoit rompu, & que ce seroit temerité de l'entreprendre non pour la
crainte de la mort, car ie ne les vy iamais, si resolus luy, & ses
deux cõpagnons le Pere Daniel, & le Pere Dauost, qu'alors qu'on parla
qu'ils pourroient laisser la vie au chemin qu'ils entreprenoient pour
la gloire de nostre Seigneur: mais comme ils engageoient les François
à vne guerre contre ces peuples au cas qu'on les mit à mort, nous
iugeasmes auec l'aduis du sieur de Champlain que la conseruation de
la paix entre ces nations estoit preferable à la consolation qu'ils
auroient de mourir en telle occasion. Le Pere Brebeuf voyant [204] donc
ce passage fermé pour cette année, apostropha les Hurons, & leur dit:
Vous estes nos freres, nous voulions aller en vostre païs pour viure &
mourir auec vous: mais puisque la riuiere est bouchée, nous attendrons
à l'année qui vient que tout sera paisible. C'est vous qui ferés la
plus grande perte, car maintenant que ie commence à vous pouuoir
parler sans truchement, ie voulois vous enseigner le chemin du ciel, &
vous découurir les grandes richesses de l'autre vie; mais ce mal-heur
vous priue de tous ces biens. Ils repartirent qu'ils en estoient bien
marris, & qu'vne année seroit bien-tost passée.

    But to the conclusion of this council. Father Brebeuf seeing
    that his journey was broken up, and that it would be foolhardy
    to undertake it,--not through fear of death, because I never saw
    them more resolute, both he and his two companions, Father Daniel
    and Father Davost, than when they were told that they might lose
    their lives on the road which they were about to take for the glory
    of our Lord: but as they would involve the French in war against
    these people, in case they were killed,--we agreed with sieur de
    Champlain, that the preservation of peace among these tribes was
    preferable to the consolation they would experience in dying on
    such an occasion. Now Father Brebeuf, seeing [204] the way closed
    for that year, addressed the Hurons, saying: "You are our brothers,
    we wish to go to your country to live and die with you; but, as
    the river is closed, we shall wait until the coming year, when all
    will be peaceable. It is you who will sustain the greater loss;
    because now, as I am beginning to be able to talk to you without an
    interpreter, I wish to teach you the way to heaven, and to reveal
    to you the great riches of the other life; but this misfortune
    deprives you of all these blessings." They replied that they were
    very sorry, and that a year would very soon pass away.

A l'issuë de cette assemblée nous nous en allasmes par les cabanes
retirer le petit bagage de nos Peres que nous auions desia mis
entre les mains des Sauuages pour le porter en leur [205] païs. Ces
pauures gens estoient bien faschez de cet accident, & quelques-vns du
village de la Rochelle dirent au Pere que s'il vouloit venir, qu'ils
l'embarqueroyent, & qu'ils esperoyent le pouuoir faire passer: mais
c'estoit se mettre luy & eux & les François en danger. Voila donc
l'esperãce d'entrer aux Hurons perdue pour cette année. Ie prie Dieu
qu'il nous ouure la porte l'an prochain. Voicy deux raisons plus fortes
que deux grosses serrures qui semblent l'auoir fermée pour vn long
temps.

    Upon the dispersion of this assembly, we went through the cabins,
    to get the little baggage of our Fathers that we had already placed
    in the hands of the Savages to be carried to their [205] country.
    These poor people regretted this unfortunate affair very much; and
    some of those of the village of la Rochelle said to the Father
    that, if he wished to go with them, they would carry him, and they
    hoped to give him a peaceful passage. But that would be placing
    himself and them and the French in danger. Thus the hope of going
    into the Huron country is lost for this year. I pray God to open
    the door for us next year. Below are two reasons, stronger than two
    great locks, which seem to have closed it to us for a long time.

La premiere est tirée de l'interest des Sauuages de l'Isle, des
Algōquaĩs, & des autres nations qui sont entre Kebec & les Hurons.
Ces peuples voudroyent bien que les Hurons ne descendissent point aux
Frãçois pour traitter leurs pelleteries, afin de remporter tout le
gain de la traitte, desirans eux-mesmes aller recueillir les [206]
marchandises des peuples circonuoisins pour les apporter aux François:
c'est pourquoy ils ne sont pas bien aises que nous allions aux Hurons,
s'imaginans qu'on les sollicite de descendre, & que les François estans
auec eux, on ne sçauroit si aisémẽt leur fermer le passage. La seconde
raison est tirée de la crainte des Hurons: ils voyent que les François
ne veulent point receuoir de presẽs pour la mort de leurs hommes quand
on en a tué quelqu'vn: ils craignent que leur ieunesse ne fasse quelque
mauuais coup, car ils seroient obligez d'amener vif ou mort celuy qui
auroit cõmis quelque meurtre, ou bien de rompre auec les François.
Cela les tient en ceruelle, d'ailleurs, le sieur de Champlain leur
tesmoignant qu'il n'y a point de vraye amitié si on ne s'entreuisite
les vns les autres: ils desirẽt grandemẽt, du moins en apparẽce, de
nous auoir [207] en leur païs. Dieu a placé des limites dans les temps,
qu'on ne scauroit outrepasser: quand le moment sera arriué auquel il a
deliberé de donner secours à ces nations, il n'y a digue ny barriere
qui puisse resister à sa puissance.

    The first is found in the interests of the Island Savages, the
    Algonquains, and the other tribes which are between Kebec and the
    Hurons. These people, in order to monopolize the profit of the
    trade, prefer that the Hurons should not go down the river to trade
    their peltries with the French, desiring themselves to collect the
    [206] merchandise of the neighboring tribes and carry it to the
    French; that is why they do not like to see us go to the Hurons,
    thinking that we would urge them to descend the river, and that,
    the French being with them, it would not be easy to bar their
    passage. The second reason may be found in the fear of the Hurons,
    who see that the French will not accept presents as a compensation
    for the murder of one of their countrymen; they fear that their
    young men may do some reckless deed, for they would have to give
    up, alive or dead, any one who might have committed murder, or else
    break with the French. This makes them uneasy. Aside from this, as
    sieur de Champlain has told them that there is no true friendship
    unless visits are interchanged, they are very desirous, at least in
    appearance, to have us [207] in their country. God has set limits
    to time, which man cannot pass. When the moment shall have come
    which he has fixed for giving succor to these tribes, there will be
    neither dike nor barrier that can resist his power.

Au reste cõme ie ne cognois point les secrets ressorts de sa
prouidence, ie n'ay peu encor iusques à present m'attrister de ce
retardement de nos Peres. Autant que nous pouuons coniecturer par les
apparences humaines il y auoit esperance d'vne grande moisson: mais
ayant fait tout ce que nous auons peu pour enuoier des ouuriers à cette
recolte, nous croyons que le maistre du champ n'a pas voulu qu'on y
mist encore la faucille: si ce coup est vn coup de sa bõté, qui void au
delà de nos pensées qu'il soit beny pour vn iamais: si c'est vn coup de
sa iustice qui ait voulu [208] chastier si rigoureusement nos offenses,
qu'il foit encor beny au delà des temps. Nous detestons la cause de
ce chastiment, & adorons la main qui nous frape, auec vne tres-grande
confiance que celuy qui a tiré la lumiere des tenebres, tirera du bien
de ce malheur. Nos Peres ne ferõt point icy oisifs. Le Pere Brebeuf
leur fera leçon tous les iours soirs & matins de la langue des Hurons.
Ie me sens moy-mesme fort porté d'aller à cette eschole, afin que si
V. Reuer. me veut enuoyer l'an qui vient auec eux i'aye desia quelque
auance: ie n'ay encor rien cõclud d'asseuré sur ce point: i'y veux
pẽser pl⁹ à loisir deuãt Dieu.

    However, as the secret resources of his providence are hidden from
    me, I have not been able, up to the present time, to look with
    regret upon this delay of our Fathers. As far as we are able to
    foresee with our human vision, there are hopes of a great harvest;
    but, having done all that was in our power to send laborers to this
    field, we believe that the master thereof does not wish the sickle
    to be yet used upon it. If this blow is a blow from the kindness
    of him who sees beyond our thoughts, may he be forever blessed. If
    it is a stroke of his justice for the [208] severe chastisement
    of our offences, still be he blessed beyond all time. We hate the
    cause of this chastisement, and adore the hand that strikes us,
    very confident that he who drew light out of darkness will draw
    good from this misfortune. Our Fathers will not be idle here.
    Father Brebeuf will teach them every day, evening and morning, the
    language of the Hurons. I myself feel very much inclined to go to
    this school, in order that, if Your Reverence should wish to send
    me with them next year, I may already have made some progress; I
    have decided nothing certain yet upon this point; I wish to think
    about it more at my leisure before God.

Pour retourner à nos Hurons, Louys Amantacha voyant que nous n'alliõs
point en son païs, & qu'il s'ẽ deuoit aller le lendemain au poinct du
iour, il s'en vint coucher en nôtre petite maison pour se confesser
& [209] cõmunier encore vne fois auant son depart; ce qu'il fit,
nous donnãt vne grande consolation, & le iour suiuãt 6. Aoust tous
les Hurons trousserent bagage; & en moins de riẽ enleuerẽt leurs
maisons & leurs richesses, & les emporterẽt auec eux pour s'en seruir
pendant le chemin d'enuiron 300 lieuës qu'on conte de Kebec en leur
païs. I'entretins quelque tẽps Louys Amãtacha, ie le sonday le mieux
qu'il me fut possible; car les Sauuages sont assez complaisans &
dissimulez: ie ne trouuay rien que de bon en luy, c'est l'vn des bõs
esprits que i'aye veu parmy ces peuples V. R. me permettra s'il luy
plaist, de le recommãder à ses prieres & à celles de tous nos Peres
& Freres de sa prouince; car si vne fois l'esprit de Dieu s'empare
de cete ame, ce sera vn puissant secours pour ceux qui porteront les
bonnes nouuelles de l'Euãgile en ces contrées, & [210] au contraire
comme il a frequēté les Anglois, s'il se porte au mal il gastera
tout: mais nous auõs pl⁹ sujet d'esperer le biē, que de craindre le
mal. Il semble d'ailleurs que Dieu vueille ouurir les tresors de sa
misericorde à ces pauures Barbares qui nous souhaittent, du moins à
ce qu'il semble auec affection. Ie voy vn grand desir en nos Peres de
deuorer toutes ces difficultez qui se rencontrent dãs l'estude de ces
langues, & vous diriez quasi que Dieu les a arrestez pour les acquerir
icy plus cõmodement, afin qu'ils puissēt à mesme temps mettre le feu
en diuers endroits des Hurons quand sa Maiesté leur y donnera entrée.
Ie ne crains qu'vne chose en ce dilayement, que l'Ancienne Frãce ne
se lasse de secourir la Nouuelle voiãt que la moisson tarde tant à
meurir: mais qu'ō se souuienne que les potirõs naissent en vne nuict,
& qu'il faut [111 i.e., 211] des années pour meurir les fruicts de la
palme. On a esté 38 ans à ce que i'ay ouy dire, auant que de rien faire
au Brasil. Combien a on attendu aux portes de la Chine? Dieu vueille
qu'õ y soit biē entré de l'heure que ie parle. Ceux qui courent, & qui
s'eschauffent si fort se lassent bien souuent plus qu'ils n'auancent.
Ie ne dy pas cecy pour reietter bien loing la conuersion des Sauuages.
Si nos Peres fussent entrés cette année aux Hurõs ie m'attendois de
rescrire à V. R. l'an prochain que, _receperat Samaria verbum Dei_,
que ces barbares auoient receu la foy; ce fera quãd il plaira à celuy
duquel dépẽd ce grãd ouurage: car à mõ aduis les hõmes y peuuent bien
peu, quoy qu'ils n'y doiuent espargner ny leurs trauaux, ny leur sãg,
ny leur vie. ô qui verroit dans l'vne des grandes ruës de Paris ce que
ie voyois il y a trois iours aupres du grand fleuue S. [212] Laurẽs,
cinq ou six cens Hurõs vestus à la Sauuage, les vns de peaux d'ours,
les autres de peaux de castor, & d'autres de peau d'Eslan, tous hõmes
bien faits, d'vne riche taille, hauts, puissans, d'vne bõne paste, d'vn
corps biẽfourny; qui les verroit dy ie demãdans secours, & proferans
les parolles que disoit ce Macedonien à sainct Paul, _Transiens in
Macedoniam adiuua nos_: Venés, secourés nous, apportés en nostre païs
le flambeau qui n'y a iamais esclairé! ô que ce spectacle donneroit de
cõpassion à ceux qui ont tant soit peu d'amour de celuy qui a verse
tout sõ sang pour ces ames qui se perdent tous les iours faute que
personne ne le recueille pour leur appliquer.

    To return to our Hurons: Louys Amantacha, seeing that we were not
    going to his country, and that he was to leave us next morning at
    daybreak, came to sleep in our little house, in order to confess
    and [209] to receive holy communion once more before his departure.
    This he did, causing us great consolation; and on the following
    day, August 6th, all the Hurons packed their baggage, and in less
    than no time took away their houses and their riches, and carried
    them off, to use them on the road of about 300 leagues, which is
    the distance reckoned to be between Kebec and their country. I
    talked for some time with Louys Amantacha, and sounded him as well
    as I could; for the Savages are quite artful and dissimulating. I
    found nothing but good in him; he is one of the admirable character
    that I have seen among these people. Your Reverence will permit
    me if you please, to recommend him to your prayers and to those
    of all our Fathers and Brothers in your province; for, if once
    the spirit of God takes possession of this soul, he will be a
    powerful reinforcement for those who will carry the good news of
    the Gospel into these countries; and, [210] on the contrary, as
    he has associated with the English, if he be inclined to evil, he
    will ruin everything; but we have more reason to hope for good
    than to fear evil. Besides, it seems that God desires to open the
    treasures of his mercy to these poor Barbarians, who look upon
    us with affection; at least, judging from appearances. I see a
    great desire among our Fathers to overcome all the difficulties
    which are encountered in the study of these languages; and you
    might almost say that God has detained them that they may learn
    them more conveniently here, and may, at the same time, kindle
    the fire in a number of places among the Hurons, when his Majesty
    shall have opened to them the way. I only fear one thing in
    this delay; that Old France may fail to give New [France] the
    necessary aid, seeing that the harvest is so slow in ripening.
    But let it be remembered that mushrooms spring up in a night,
    while it requires [111 i.e. 211] years to ripen the fruits of
    the palm. It was 38 years, as I have heard, before anything was
    accomplished in Brazil. How long have they been waiting at the
    gates of China? May it be God's will that they have been received
    there at the hour when I write. Those who run and become greatly
    heated often weary themselves more than they advance. I do not say
    this to defer for a long time the conversion of the Savages. If our
    Fathers had gone among the Hurons this year, I expected to write
    to Your Reverence next year that _receperat Samaria verbum Dei_;
    that these barbarians had received the faith. That will be when it
    shall please him upon whom all of this great work depends; for,
    in my opinion, men can accomplish but very little here, although
    they should spare neither their labor, nor their blood, nor their
    lives. Oh, whoever would see in one of the great streets of Paris
    what I saw three days ago near the great river St. [212] Lawrence,
    five or six hundred Hurons in their Savage costumes,--some in
    bear skins, others in beaver, and others in Elk skins, all well
    made men of splendid figures, tall, powerful, good-natured, and
    able-bodied,--whoever would see them, I say, asking help and
    uttering the word of that Macedonian to saint Paul: _Transiens in
    Macedoniam adjuva nos_; "Come, help us, bring into our country the
    torch which has never yet illuminated it!" Oh, what compassion this
    spectacle would excite in these people, however little love they
    have for him who shed his blood for these souls that are being
    lost every day, because no one gathers it up to apply it to their
    salvation.

Mais il est tantost temps de m'auiser que ie n'escry plus vne lettre,
mais vn liure, tant ie suis long: ce n'estoit pas mõ dessein de tãt
escrire, les feuillets se sont multipliés insensiblemẽt, [213] & m'ont
mis en tel point qu'il fault que i'enuoie ce brouillard pour ne pouuoir
tirer & mettre au net ce que ie croirois debuoir estre presenté à V.R.
I'escriray vne autre fois plus precisemẽt & plus asseuremẽt. On se fie
beaucoup en ces premiers cõmẽcemens, cõme i'ay dit, au rapport de ceux
qu'on croid auoir prattiqué les Sauuages. _Plus valet oculatus testis
quàm decem auriti._ I'ay remarqué qu'apres auoir veu quelque action
commune à deux ou trois Sauuages, on l'attribue incontinent à toute la
Nation: L'argument qui se fait du denombremẽt des parties est fautif
s'il ne les comprẽd toutes ou la plus grande partie. Aioustés qu'il
y a quantité de peuples en ces contrées qui conuiennent en plusieurs
choses, & differẽt en beaucoup d'autres; si bien quãd on dit que les
Sauuages ont coustume de faire quelque action, cela peut estre vray
[214] d'vne nation, & non pas de l'autre: Le temps est le pere de la
verité.

    But it is about time for me to reflect that I am no longer writing
    a letter, but a book, I have made it so long. It was not my
    intention to write so much; the pages have insensibly multiplied
    [213] and I am so situated that I must send this scrawl, as I
    am unable to rewrite it and to make a clean copy of it, such as
    I think ought to be presented to Your Reverence. I shall write
    another time more accurately, and with more assurance. In these
    beginnings, as I have said, much confidence is given to the reports
    of those who are believed to have had experience among the Savages.
    _Plus valet oculatus testis quàm decem auriti._ I have observed
    that, after having seen two or three Savages do the same thing,
    it is at once reported to be a custom of the whole Tribe. The
    argument drawn from the enumeration of parts is faulty, if it does
    not comprehend all or the greater part. Add to this that there are
    many tribes in these countries who agree in a number of things,
    and differ in many others; so that, when it is said that certain
    practices are common to the Savages, it may be true [214] of one
    tribe and not true of another. Time is the Father of truth.

C'est assez pour cette année: mille & mille actions de graces des soins
& de la charité de V.R. en nôtre endroit & à l'endroit de tant de
pauures peuples qu'elle oblige nous saisãt icy subsister; car quoy que
nous faisiõs peu, si est ce que i'espere que nous donnerõs commencement
à ceux qui viendrõt apres nous, & qui feront beaucoup. Nous sõmes
tous en bonne santé par la grace de nost. Seigneur, & suppliõs V.R.
d'vn mesme cœur de nous enuoier des personnes capables d'apprẽdre les
langues. C'est ce que ie voy maintenant de plus necessaire pour le biẽ
des ames en ces pays. Pour la terre, ie luy en enuoie des fruicts,
ce sont des espics de formẽt, de seigle & d'orge, que nous auõs semé
pres de nôtre maisonnette. Nous ramassâmes l'an passé quelques touffes
de segle que [215] nous trouuions çà & la parmy des pois: ie contay
en quelques vnes 60 épics, en d'autres 80, en d'autres 112. Nous
battismes ces glannes, & en tirâmes vn peu de seigle, qui nous paiera
biẽ cette année la peine qu'il nous donna de le glãner l'an passé. Le
peu de fourmẽt que nous auons semé deuant les neiges est fort beau,
celuy qu'on a semé au printemps ne meurira point, car c'est du bled
d'hyuer: il faudroit auoir du bled marsais & du bled sans barbe, on dit
qu'il est meilleur. L'orge est plus beau qu'en Frãce: & ie ne doute
point que si le pays estoit découuert qu'on ne rencõtrast des vallées
tres fertiles. Les bois sont maligns, ils nourrissent les froids
engendrent les petites gelées produisent quantité de vermines, cõme des
sauterelles, des vers, des pucerõs qui mangent notamment le iardinage:
nous nous éloignerons d'eux petit à [216] petit sãs toutefois bouger
d'vne place. Ie r'entre en discours contre ma pensée, quittons tout
pour nous recõmander aux prieres, & Saincts Sacrifices de V.R. & de
toute sa prouince. Ie croy que cette missiõ est biẽ auãt dãs son cœur,
& que ces pauures Sauuages y ont bõne place: celuy là y est aussi auec
eux qui est en verité

  D. V. R.

  Tres-obligé & tres-obeissant seruiteur selon Dieu

                                                         PAVL LE IEVNE.

    This is enough for this year; I offer thousands and thousands
    of thanks for the interest and charity of Your Reverence in our
    behalf, and in behalf of the many poor people whom you bless by
    keeping us here; for, although we do but little, yet I hope that
    we shall make a beginning for those who are to come after us and
    who will do a great deal. We are all in good health, by the grace
    of our Lord; and we beseech Your Reverence, with one heart, to
    send us persons capable of learning the languages. It is what
    I now believe to be most necessary for the welfare of the souls
    in this country. As to the soil, I send you some of its fruits:
    they are heads of wheat, of rye, and of barley, that we planted
    near our little house. We gathered last year a few wisps of rye
    that [215] we found here and there among the peas; I counted in
    some of them 60 kernels, in others 80, in others 112. We threshed
    these gleanings and took from them a little rye, which will this
    year pay us very well for the trouble that we had in gleaning it
    last year. The little wheat which we sowed before the snows is
    very beautiful: that which was sown in the spring will not ripen,
    because it is winter wheat. We must have some March wheat, and some
    that is beardless, for these are said to be the best. The barley
    is finer than in France: and I have no doubt that, if this country
    were cleared, very fertile valleys would be found. The woods are
    troublesome; they retain the cold, engender the slight frosts,
    and produce great quantities of vermin, such as grasshoppers,
    worms, and insects, which are especially destructive in our
    garden; we shall rid ourselves of them, little by [216] little,
    without, however, leaving the place. I resumed this discourse
    unintentionally; let us cut it short, to recommend ourselves to the
    prayers and to the Holy Sacrifices of Your Reverence and of your
    whole province. I believe that this mission is cherished by you,
    and that these poor Savages occupy a good place in your heart. He
    also is there with them who is, in truth,

    Of Your Reverence,

    The greatly obliged and very obedient servant, in God,

                                                         PAUL LE JEUNE.




Extraict du Priuilege du Roy.


PAR Grace & Priuilege du Roy il est permis à Sebastien Cramoisy,
marchand Libraire Iuré en l'Vniuersité de Paris d'imprimer ou faire
imprimer vn liure intitulé _Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la
Nouuelle France en l'année mil six cens trente trois, Enuoyée au R.P.
Barthelemy Iaquinot Prouincial de la Compagnie de Iesus en la prouince
de France, Par le Pere Paul le Ieune de la mesme Compagnie, Superieur
de la Residence de Kebek_: & cependant le temps & espace de cinq années
cōsecutiues. Auec defenses à tous Libraires & Imprimeurs d'imprimer ou
faire imprimer ledit liure souz pretexte de desguisement, ou changement
qu'ils y pourroient faire, à peine de confiscation, & de l'amende
portée par ledit Priuilege. Donné à Sainct Germain en Laye le 10
Decembre, mil six cens trente trois.

  Par le Roy en son conseil.

                                                             Poicteuin.

    Extract from the Royal License.

    BY Grace and License of the King, permission is granted to
    Sebastien Cramoisy, Bookseller under Oath, of the University of
    Paris, to print or to have printed a book entitled: _Relation de
    ce qui s'est passé en la Nouvelle France en l'année mil six cens
    trente trois, Envoyée au R.P. Barthelemy Jaquinot Provincial de la
    Compagnie de Jesus en la province de France, Par le Pere Paul le
    Jeune de la mesme Compagnie, Superieur de la Residence de Kebek_:
    and this during the time and space of five consecutive years.
    Prohibiting all Booksellers and Printers from printing or having
    printed the said book, under any pretext of disguise or change that
    they may make in it, on penalty of confiscation and of the fine
    provided by the said License. Given at Sainct Germain en Laye, on
    the 10th of December, one thousand six hundred and thirty-three.

    By the King in council.

    Poictevin.




                                 XXII

                          LETTRE DU LE JEUNE

                      au R. P. Provincial à Paris

                             QUEBEC: 1634


SOURCE: Reprinted from Carayon's _Première Mission_, pp. 122-156.




[122] Lettre du P. Paul le Jeune, au R. P. Provincial de France à Paris.

(_Copiée sur l'autographe conservé aux archives du Jésus à Rome._)


                                                          QUÉBEC, 1634.

  MON REVEREND PERE,

  Pax Christi.

Les larmes qui me tombent des yeux à la veuë des lettres de V. R.
arrestent ma plume; je suis dur comme bronze, et cependant son
affection m'a tellement amoly, que la joye me fait pleurer et me fait
donner mille benedictions à Dieu. O quel cœur! quel amour! quelle
volonté elle a pour nous! je ne sçay comme y correspondre, sinon de luy
dire _ecce me_, me voilà tout entier entre ses mains et pour le Canada
et pour la France et pour tout le monde, _ad majorem Dei gloriam_. Je
me voy si foible à tout, et Dieu si puissant pour tout, qu'il me semble
qu'il n'y a plus rien à désirer ny à refuire. On m'escrit que V. R. a
donné pour les pauvres Canadiens jusques à l'image de son oratoire.
M. de Lauson[I.] [123] dit que son affection n'a point de limites, et
qu'il mettra la mission en tel estat, qu'on sera contraint de procurer
la continuation d'un si grand bien. Tout le monde confesse que Dieu est
pour nous, puisque le cœur des supérieurs, qui est entre ses mains, est
tout à nous. Le moyen d'estre insensible à tant de biens, et d'avoir
le cœur et les yeux secs, dans une pluie de tant de bénédictions! Mais
entrons en affaire; je n'épargneray ny l'encre ni le papier, puisque
V. R. supporte avec tant d'amour mes longueurs et mes simplicités.
Après l'avoir remerciée de tout mon cœur du secours qu'il luy a plu
nous envoyer, comme aussy des vivres et des rafraîchissements, je luy
descriray tout l'estat de cette mission.

    [122] Letter from Father Paul le Jeune, to the Reverend Father
    Provincial of France, at Paris.

    (_Copied from the autograph preserved in the archives of the Gesù,
    at Rome._)

                                                          QUEBEC, 1634.

    MY REVEREND FATHER,

    The peace of Christ be with you.

    The tears which fall from my eyes at the sight of the letters of
    Your Reverence, stop my pen; I am hard as bronze, and yet your love
    has so greatly softened me, that joy makes me weep and causes me
    to utter a thousand blessings to God. Oh, what a heart! What love!
    What good will you show toward us! I do not know how to respond
    to it except by saying to you, "_ecce me_; behold me altogether
    in your hands, for Canada, for France, and for all the world, _ad
    majorem Dei gloriam_."[1] I behold myself so weak in all things,
    and God so mighty in all things, that it seems to me there is
    nothing more to be desired nor to be avoided. They have written
    me that Your Reverence has given for the poor Canadians even the
    very image from your oratory. M. de Lauson[II.] [123] says that
    his affection is boundless; and that he will put the mission in
    such a state, that they will be obliged to secure the continuance
    of so great a blessing. Everyone acknowledges that God is for us,
    since the hearts of the superiors, which are in his hands, are all
    for us. How can we be insensible to so many benefits, and keep our
    hearts and eyes dry, in a downpouring of so many blessings! But let
    us enter upon affairs; I shall spare neither ink nor paper, since
    Your Reverence endures with so much love my tediousness and my
    simplicity. After having thanked you with all my heart for the help
    which you have been pleased to send us, as well as for the food
    and fresh supplies, I will describe to you fully the state of this
    mission.

Commençons par ce qui s'est passé cette année. Nous avons vescu dans
une grande paix, Dieu mercy, entre nous, avec nos gens, et avec tous
nos françois. Je suis grandement édifié de tous nos Pères. Le P.
Brebeuf[III.] est un homme choisy de Dieu pour ces pays; je l'ay laissé
en ma place six mois durant, neuf jours moins, que j'ay hiverné avec
les sauvages: tout a procédé toujours en paix. Le [124] Daniel[IV.]
et le P. Davost[V.] sont paisibles. Ils ont bien estudié à la langue
huronne; j'ay tenu la main qu'ils ne fussent point divertis de cet
exercice que ie croy estre de tres grande importance. Le P. Masse[VI.]
que je nomme quelquefois en riant, le Père _Utile_, est bien cognu de
V. R. Il a eu soin des choses domestiques et du bestial que nous avons,
en quoy il a très-bien réussy. Le Père De Nouë,[XI.] qui est d'un bon
cœur, a eu soin de nos ouvriers, les conduisant dans leur travail tout
à fait difficile en ces commencemens. Notre Frère Gilbert[XII.] s'est
[de] fait mieux porté cet hyver que l'autre; aussi n'a-t-il pas été si
rigoureux. Je l'ay mis dans sa liberté de retourner à cette année; il
a mieux aimé rester. Nous verrons comme il réussira avec nostre Frère
Liégeois[XIII.] lequel à mon [125] advis, fera très-bien. Je suis le
plus imparfait de tous et le plus impatient. J'ay passé l'hyver avec
les Sauvages, comme je viens de dire. La faim nous a pensé tuer; mais
Dieu est si présent dans ces difficultés, que ce temps de famine m'a
semblé un temps d'abondance; n'estoit que je crains d'excéder, je
raconterais à V. R. les sentiments que Dieu donne en ce temps-là.
J'avoue que je sentois parfois la faim, et que souvent ces paroles me
venoient en la bouche: _Panem nostrum quotidianum da nobis hodie_; mais
jamais je ne songe les avoir prononcées sans adjouster cette condition
_si ita placitum est ante te_. Je disois par fois ces autres de saint
Xavier d'un assez bon cœur: _Domine, ne me his eripias malis, nisi ad
majora pro tuo nomine reserves._ J'estois consolé jusques dans mon
sommeil; mais laissons cecy, car Dieu agissoit pour lors. Voicy ce
que je suis: sitost que nous fusmes secourus des créatures, je devins
malade de corps et d'âme, Dieu me faisant voir ce qu'il est et ce que
je suis. J'estois impatient, dégousté, cherchant la retraite en notre
petite maison. Je taschois bien d'arrêter cet estat de misere; mais,
comme mes passions sont toute viciées, je choppois à tous coups, ne
rapportant rien de ce voyage que mes deffaults. J'ai couché dans la
Relation les causes pour lesquelles je suis revenu peu sçavant en leur
langue; c'est asses de ce point. Pour [126] ce qui touche nos hommes,
ils entendent tous les matins la sainte Messe devant leur travail;
le soir ils viennent tous à la chapelle, où on fait les prières que
j'envoye à V. R. Nous chantons vespres les festes et les dimanches,
et on leur fait quasi tous les dimanches une exhortation. Outre cecy,
on presche à Kébec; on y chante aussy les vespres, parfois la grande
Messe. Voilà sommairement nos occupations de cette année passée; la
Relation en parle plus amplement.

    Let us begin with what has occurred this year. We have lived in
    great peace, thank God, among ourselves, with our working people,
    and with all the french. I have been greatly pleased with all our
    Fathers. Father Brebeuf[VII.] is a man chosen of God for these
    lands; I left him in my place for six months, with the exception of
    nine days, while I passed the winter with the savages. Everything
    went on peacefully during that time. [124] Father Daniel[VIII.]
    and Father Davost[IX.] are quiet men. They have studied the Huron
    language thoroughly, and I have taken care that they should not
    be diverted from this work, which I believe to be of very great
    importance. Father Masse,[X.] whom I sometimes playfully call
    Father _Useful_, is well known to Your Reverence. He has had
    the care of the domestic affairs and of our cattle, in which he
    has succeeded very well. Father de Nouë,[XIV.] who has a good
    heart, has had the care of our laborers, directing them in their
    work, which is very difficult in these beginnings. Our Brother
    Gilbert[XV.] has felt better this winter than the last, as it has
    not been so severe. I gave him liberty to return this year, but
    he preferred to remain. We shall see how he will succeed with our
    Brother Liégeois[XVI.] who, in my [125] opinion, will do very well.
    I am the most imperfect of all and the most impatient. I have
    passed the winter with the Savages, as I have just said. Famine
    almost killed us; but God is so present in these difficulties, that
    this time of famine seemed to me a time of abundance; were it not
    that I am afraid of wearying you, I would recount to Your Reverence
    the sentiments with which God inspired me at that time. I confess
    that I sometimes experienced hunger, and that often these words
    came to my lips: _Panem nostrum quotidianum da nobis hodie_; but I
    think I never pronounced them without adding this condition: _si
    ita placitum est ante te_. I also occasionally repeated these words
    of saint Xavier with a very good heart: _Domine, ne me his eripias
    malis, nisi ad majora pro tuo nomine reserves_. I was consoled even
    in my sleep; but let us leave this, for God was acting then. This
    is what I am: as soon as we were assisted by creatures, I became
    sick in body and in soul, God causing me to see what he is and what
    I am. I was impatient, disgusted, seeking a retreat in our little
    house. I tried to put an end to this condition of misery; but, as
    my passions are altogether depraved, I stumbled at every step,
    bringing back nothing from this journey except my faults. I have
    set down in my Relation the reasons why I returned, knowing little
    about their language; enough upon this subject. As [126] to what
    concerns our men: every morning they hear holy Mass before their
    work, and in the evening all come to chapel, where the prayers
    which I send to Your Reverence are recited. We sing vespers on
    feast days and sundays, and almost every sunday an exhortation is
    made to them. Besides, there is preaching at Kébec, where they also
    sing vespers, and occasionally a high Mass. This is the outline of
    our occupations during this last year; the Relation speaks thereof
    more fully.

Pour l'année que nous allons commencer au départ des vaisseaux, voicy
comme nous serons distribués et ce que nous ferons.

    For the year which we are about to begin at the departure of the
    ships, this is the way in which we shall be distributed and what we
    shall do:

Le P. Brebeuf, le P. Daniel et le P. Davost, avec trois braves jeunes
hommes et deux petits garçons, seront aux Hurons. Enfin nostre Seigneur
leur a ouvert la porte. M. Duplessis[XVII.] y a grandement contribué,
disons M. de Lauson, qui luy avait sans doute recommandé ce point,
dont il s'est très-bien acquitté, comme V. R. verra par la lettre que
le P. Brebeuf m'a envoyée du chemin des Hurons. Je croy qu'ils sont
maintenant bien près du lieu où ils prétendent aller. Ce coup est un
coup du ciel; nous espérons une grande moisson de ces pays. Le P. [127]
Brebeuf et le P. Daniel se jetèrent dans les dangers de bien souffrir;
car ils s'en allèrent sans bagages ny sans la monnoie nécessaire pour
vivre. Dieu y a pourvu, car M. Duplessis a tenu la main que tout
passast. Voilà pour les Hurons.

    Father Brebeuf, Father Daniel, and Father Davost, with three brave
    young men and two little boys, will be among the Hurons. At last
    our Lord has opened to them the door. M. Duplessis[XVIII.] has
    aided greatly in this; let us say M. de Lauson, who has without
    doubt recommended this affair to him, of which he has acquitted
    himself very well, as Your Reverence will see by the letter which
    Father Brebeuf has sent me on his way to the Hurons. I believe that
    they must now be quite near the place where they intend to go. This
    stroke is a stroke from heaven; we shall hope for a great harvest
    from this country. Father [127] Brebeuf and Father Daniel exposed
    themselves to great suffering; for they went away without baggage,
    or without the money necessary to live. God has provided therefor,
    as M. Duplessis has taken care that all should go well. So much for
    the Hurons.

Nous demeurerons aux Trois-Rivières, le P. Buteux[XIX.] et moy. Ce lieu
est sur le grand fleuve, 30 lieues plus haut que Kébec, sur le chemin
des Hurons; on le nomme les Trois-Rivières pour ce qu'une certaine
rivière qui vient des terres se dégorge dans le grand fleuve par trois
embouchures. Nos François commencent là cette année une habitation;
il y fault deux de nos Pères. J'ay esté fort longtemps en balance qui
y pourroit aller. Le P. Brebeuf et le P. de Nouë estoient d'advis
que je demeurasse à Kébec; mais j'ay recognu que le P. Lalemant[XX.]
appréhendoit cette nouvelle demeure, y croyant qu'il n'en reviendroit
pas si on l'y envoyoit, s'offrant néanmoins de bon cœur à faire ce
qu'on voudroit. Il est vray qu'il y meurt ordinairement quelques
personnes en ces commencemens; mais la mort n'est pas toujours un grand
mal.

    We shall live at Three Rivers, Father Buteux[XXI.] and I. This
    place is upon the great river, 30 leagues farther up than Kébec,
    upon the way to the Hurons; it is called Three Rivers, because a
    certain river which flows through the land empties into the great
    river by three mouths. Our French people are this year beginning a
    settlement there, and two of our Fathers must be there.[4] I have
    been doubtful for a long time as to who should go. Father Brebeuf
    and Father de Nouë thought that I should remain at Kébec; but I
    perceived that Father Lalemant[XXII.] was apprehensive of this new
    abode, believing that he would never return if he were sent there,
    offering himself freely, however, to do what should be desired. It
    is true that some persons generally die in these beginnings, but
    death is not always a great evil.

Après avoir recommandé l'affaire à nostre Seigneur, [128] je me suis
résolu d'y aller moy-mesme pour les raison suivantes:

    After having commended this affair to our Lord, [128] I resolved to
    go there myself, for the following reasons:

1º J'ay creu que je ne faisois rien contre le dessein de V. R. quittant
la maison pour sept ou huit mois; car je peux retourner au printemps,
je ne sçay néanmoins si je reviendray devant la venuë des vaisseaux; de
plus, je laisse entre les mains d'une personne qui fera mieux que moy
cent fois, _quis ego sum_? un atome à comparaison de luy. Je doutois de
son estomac pour les prédications de Kébec; mais l'auditoire est petit,
et il ne trouve aucun inconvénient en cela;

    1st. I believed that I was doing nothing contrary to the designs
    of Your Reverence in leaving the house for seven or eight months,
    for I can return in the spring; however, I do not know whether I
    shall come back before the coming of the ships. Moreover, I leave
    it in the hands of a person who will do a hundred times better
    than I, for _quis ego sum?_ an atom in comparison with him. I had
    some doubts in regard to the strength of his voice for preaching
    at Kébec; but the audience room is small, and he does not find any
    inconvenience therein.

2º J'ay creu que notre Seigneur aurait pour agréable que je donnasse
ce contentement au Père, de ne point quitter Kébec, où nous sommes
desjà un petit accommodés, et que s'il y a du danger, que je le dois
prendre pour moy;

    2nd. I thought that it would be more agreeable to our Lord that I
    should give the Father this satisfaction, that he need not leave
    Kébec, where we are rather comfortably situated; and that, if there
    be any danger, I ought to take it upon myself.

3º Le fils de Dieu mourant en croix nous a déterminés à la croix, il
ne la faut donc pas fuir quand elle se presente; c'est ma plus forte
raison, on souffre il est vray dans une nouvelle habitation, notamment
précipitée comme celle-là. Je ne sçay comme sera faite la maison; estre
pesle-mesle avec des artisans, boire, manger, dormir avec eux; ils ne
sçauroient faire là aucune provision de quoy que ce soit; tout cela ne
m'estonne point; les cabannes des sauvages que j'ay habitées cet hiver
[129] sont bien pires. Le P. Buteux me resjouit: car il prend cela de
bon cœur; je le voy fort resolu à la croix. V. R. a raison de dire que
c'est l'esprit qu'il faut avoir. Nous estudierons là la langue, quoy
qu'avec moins de commodité qu'à Kébec, à cause du logement, où il y
aura un plus grand tintamarre que dans les cabanes des sauvages; car
nos français avec lesquels nous serons tous ensemble, ne sont pas si
paisibles et si patiens que ces barbares. De plus je voulois prendre
cet hiver un sauvage avec moy à Kébec pour m'instruire, puis que je
commence à les pouvoir interroger: cela ne se pourra pas faire aux
Trois-Rivières, mais il n'importe, je feray ce que je pourray.

    3rd. The son of God, dying upon the cross, has obligated us to bear
    the cross, so we should not flee from it when it presents itself;
    this is my strongest reason, for in truth there is suffering in a
    new settlement, especially in one established so hurriedly as that
    one. I do not know how the house will be arranged; we shall be
    mixed up with workingmen, drinking, eating, and sleeping with them;
    they cannot make other provision for us of any kind whatever. All
    this does not appall me, for the cabins of the savages, in which
    I lived this winter, [129] are much worse. Father Buteux pleases
    me greatly, for he takes this cheerfully; I see him strongly
    determined to bear the cross. Your Reverence is right in saying
    that this is the kind of spirit that we should have. We shall
    study the language there, although less advantageously than at
    Kébec, on account of the lodging, in which there will be a greater
    hubbub than in the cabins of the savages; for our french people,
    with whom we shall be in company, are not so calm and patient as
    these barbarians. Furthermore, I had intended this winter to keep a
    savage with me at Kébec to instruct me, since I am beginning to be
    able to question them; this cannot be done at Three Rivers; but it
    is of no importance, I shall do what I can.

Resteront à Kébec le P. Lallemant, le P. Masse, le P. de Nouë et
nos deux Frères avec tous nos hommes. La douceur et la vertu du P.
Lallemant tiendra tout en paix, et fera réussir le travail de nos
gens. Envoyer le P. de Nouë et le P. Brebeuf aux Trois-Rivières, je ne
voyois point d'apparence, 1º pour ce que le P. de Nouë gouverne ici nos
hommes; 2º le Pere Buteux eust perdu une année, il n'auroit rien fait
du tout en la langue; 3º _Satis calidus est, licet alioquin optimus,
P. de Nouë_; il falloit donc que le P. Lallemant ou moy y allassions:
j'ay pris le sort pour moy, croyant laisser la maison en plus grande
paix que si je fusse demeuré, [130] je croy que V. R. approuvera mon
procedé; du moins j'ay pensé suivre en cecy le mouvement de Dieu: qu'il
soit loué pour un jamais! Voilà ce que nous ferons cette année. C'est
une grande occupation que de bien souffrir, Dieu nous en fasse la
grace! Parlons maintenant de nos serviteurs domestiques.

    There will remain at Kébec, Father Lallemant, Father Masse,
    Father de Nouë, and our two Brothers, with all our men.[6] The
    gentleness and virtue of Father Lallemant will hold all in peace,
    and will cause the work of our people to prosper. I did not think
    it feasible to send Father de Nouë and Father Brebeuf to Three
    Rivers,--1st, because Father de Nouë looks after our men here; 2nd,
    Father Buteux would have lost a year, he would have done nothing
    at all in the language; 3rd, _Satis calidus est, licet alioquin
    optimus, P. de Nouë_; so Father Lallemant or I myself had to go. I
    have chosen this lot for myself, believing that I should leave the
    house in greater peace than if I remained, [130] and I believe that
    Your Reverence will approve my action; at least I thought I was
    following in this an impulse from God; may he be forever praised!
    So that is what we shall do this year. It is a great occupation, to
    suffer nobly; may God give us grace for it! Let us speak now of our
    household servants.

J'ay dit que nous avions esté en paix de tous costés. Les murmures qui
arrivent par fois et les escapades ne doivent pas estre mis dans les
grands désordres, quand on se releve aussy tost qu'on est tombé, et
quand la chute n'est pas grande. Quelques-uns de nos hommes ont quelque
fois témoigné quelque impatience; mais nous avons subject de benir
Dieu, car rien ne s'est passé de notable. Voici les causes de leurs
mécontentemens.

    I have said that we lived peacefully on all sides. The murmurs
    and escapades which occasionally happen should not be placed in
    the list of great disorders, when one rises as soon as he has
    fallen, and when the fall is not great. A number of our men have
    occasionally shown some impatience; but we have reason to bless
    God, for nothing of importance has happened. Here are the causes
    for their discontent.

1º C'est le naturel des artisans de se plaindre et de gronder.

    1st. It is the nature of working people to complain and to grumble.

2º La diversité des gages les fait murmurer: un charpentier, un
briquettier et autres, gagneront beaucoup plus que les manœuvres, et
cependant ils ne travaillent pas tant, je veux dire qu'ils n'ont pas
tant de peine que les autres, à raison qu'ils font leur mestier, et
les autres font des choses fort difficiles: _inde querimoniæ_. Ils ne
considèrent pas qu'un maistre masson a moins de peine qu'un manœuvre,
quoy qu'il gagne davantage.

    2nd. The difference in wages makes them complain: A carpenter, a
    brickmaker, and others will earn more than the laborers, and yet
    they do not work so much; I mean that it is not so hard for them as
    for the others, because they are following their professions, and
    the others are doing more laborious things: _inde querimoniæ_. They
    do not consider that a master-mason may exert himself less than a
    laborer, although he earns more.

[131] 3º La plus part ne font point leurs mestiers, sinon pour un peu
de temps; un cousturier, un cordonnier, un jardinier et les autres se
trouvent estonnés, quand il faut traisner du bois sur la neige; en
outre ils se plaignent qu'ils oublieront leur art.

    [131] 3rd. The greater part do not follow their trades, except for
    a short time; a tailor, a shoemaker, a gardener, and others, are
    amazed when required to drag some wood over the snow; besides, they
    complain that they will forget their trades.

4º Il faut confesser que les travaux sont grands en ces commencemens:
les hommes sont les chevaux et les bœufs; ils apportent ou traisnent
les bois, les arbres, la pierre; ils labourent la terre; ils la
hercent. Les mouches de l'esté, les neiges de l'hyver et mille autres
incomodités sont importunes: des jeunes gens qui travailloient à
l'ombre dans la France, trouvent icy un grand changement. Je m'estonne
que la peine qu'ils ont, en des choses qu'ils n'ont jamais faites, ne
les fait crier plus hault qu'ils ne crient.

    4th. It must be confessed that the work is great in these
    beginnings; the men are the horses and oxen; they carry or drag
    wood, trees, or stones; they till the soil, they harrow it. The
    insects in summer, the snows in winter, and a thousand other
    inconveniences, are very troublesome. The youth who in France
    worked in the shade find here a great difference. I am astonished
    that the hardships they have to undergo, in doing things they have
    never done before, do not cause them to make a greater outcry than
    they do.

5º Ils sont tous logés dans une mesme chambre, et, comme ils n'ont
pas tous leurs passions bien domptées et qu'ils sont d'humeurs bien
différentes, ils ont des subjects de discord sans subject.

    5th. They all lodge in one room; and, as they have not all learned
    to control their passions, and are of dispositions altogether
    different, they have occasions for causeless quarrels.

6º Comme il faut que nous passions par leurs mains, ne les pouvant
renvoyer quand ils manquent, et comme ils voyent qu'un baston n'est pas
bien servi en notre main pour les chastier, ils font plus aisément des
renchères, qu'ils ne feroient avec des séculiers qui les presseroient
fort et ferme.

    6th. As we are more or less dependent upon them, not being able to
    send them back when they fail to do right, and as they see that a
    stick for the purpose of chastising them is of little use in our
    hands, they are much more arrogant than they would be with laymen,
    who would urge them with severity and firmness.

Que V. R. pèse toutes ces raisons, s'il luy plaict, [132] et elle nous
aidera à benir Dieu; car avec tout cela nous n'avons pas laissé
de passer l'année paisiblement, tançant quelques uns, en punissant
quelques autres, quoyque très rarement, dissimulant fort souvent, _Deus
sit in æternum benedictus!_ et, comme ce n'est pas assés que la paix
soit chez nous, mais il la faut très-profonde, s'il y a moyen, j'estime
qu'il serait bon de faire ce que je vay dire.

    Your Reverence will weigh all these reasons, if you please, [132]
    and will aid us in praising God; for notwithstanding all this, we
    have not failed to pass the year peaceably, reprimanding some,
    punishing others, though rarely--very often pretending not to
    see; _Deus sit in æternum benedictus!_ and, as it is not enough
    that peace should dwell among us, but that it should be firmly
    established, if it be possible, I deem it best to do what I am
    about to say.

Il ne faudroit icy que des hommes de bon travail: voila pour quoy il
seroit bon que nous eussions trois braves Frères pour les menus offices
de la maison, pour la cuisine, la boulangerie, la cordonnerie, la
cousturierie, le jardin, la sacristie, les lessives, la serrurerie, le
soin du bestial, du laitage, du beurre, etc. On diviseroit tous ces
offices entre ces trois bons Frères, et ainsy on seroit délivré de
donner des gages à des ouvriers qu'on occupe en ces offices, et qui
se plaignent quand on les occupe en d'autres choses. Tous nos hommes
seroient dans les grosses besognes, et par consequent je supplie V. R.
de nous envoyer deux bons Frères. Nostre Frère Liegeois, qui commence
fort bien, sera le troisième. Pour notre Frère Gilbert peut-estre le
renvoira-t-on: sinon il travaillera à la menuiserie tout doucement,
car il est desjà bien cassé et gêné d'une rupture. Voicy les Frères
sur lesquels j'arresterois ma pensée, si V. R. le trouvoit bon: nostre
[133] Frère Claude Frémont et notre Frère le serrurier, qu'elle nous
promet par ses lettres d'envoyer l'an prochain. Je ne cognois ni luy ni
l'autre; on me dit qu'ils sont tous deux paisibles et de bon travail.
Si cela est, V. R. nous les donnera, s'il luy plaist. On en pourroit
bien envoyer un aux Hurons ou aux Trois-Rivières, selon le cours des
affaires.

    Only good workmen are needed here; hence it would be well for us
    to have three capable Brothers, to perform the minor duties of the
    house,--cooking, baking, making shoes, making clothes, looking
    after the garden, the sacristy, washing, tinkering, caring for the
    cattle, the milk, butter, etc. All these duties would be divided
    among these three good Brothers, and thus we would be relieved of
    giving wages to workmen who are occupied with these duties, and
    who complain when they are given other things to do. All our men
    should be engrossed with the heavy tasks, and consequently I beg
    Your Reverence to send us two good Brothers. Our Brother Liegeois,
    who is beginning very well, will be the third. As to our Brother
    Gilbert, perhaps he will be sent back; if not, he will work slowly
    at carpentry, for he is already broken down and hindered by a
    rupture. The following are the Brothers upon whom my choice would
    fall, if it please Your Reverence; our [133] Brother Claude Frémont
    and our Brother the locksmith, whom you promised in your letters to
    send us next year. I do not know either of them, but I am told that
    they are both peaceable and good workmen. If this be true, Your
    Reverence will send them to us, if you please. One of them could
    be easily sent to the Hurons or to Three Rivers, according to the
    course of events.

Avec ces bons Frères, il nous faut avoir icy pour le moins dix hommes
de bon travail pour les bastiments et pour la terre et pour faucher,
pour tout en un mot. Qui en pourroit encore davantage, seroit le
meilleur: ceux cy travaillant tous dans les grosses besoignes, ne se
plaindront pas de ceux qui font les menus offices. Nous avons desjà
quatre de ces hommes: reste pour six à envoyer, et nous renvoirons
l'an qui vient tous ceux que nous avons, excepté ces quatre. Voilà
quel doit estre l'estat de la maison pour l'an qui vient quant au
travail, si V. R. le trouve bon: dix bons ouvriers et trois ou quatre
de nos Frères, sçavoir est, Nostre Frère Liegeois, N. Frère Claude
Frémont, N. Frère le serrurier, dont je ne scay pas le nom, et nostre
Frère Gilbert, s'il demeure. Pour les six ouvriers que nous demandons,
voicy leurs mestiers: deux charpentiers forts, dont l'un pour le
moins entende à dresser un bastiment, en un mot qu'il sçache bien son
mestier; un menuisier, et trois hommes [134] de travail qui puissent
estre appliqués à déserter la terre, à tirer la scie de long (il n'est
pas necessaire qu'ils sçachent ce mestier, mais qu'ils ayent la volonté
et les forces pour le faire), à faucher, à aider les charpentiers,
masson, briquetier, auprès du bestial, à tout ce qu'on voudra; il faut
des hommes forts pour cela et de bonne volonté. Si on ne peut avoir
deux charpentiers, qu'il en passe un bon pour le moins, et en la place
de l'autre, un homme de travail, comme je le viens de descrire. Je
parleray encore de cecy ailleurs, afin que si un vaisseau manquoit,
l'autre porte de nos nouvelles. Il est bien aisé de dépeindre bon
ouvrier, mais bien difficile de le trouver. Je feray voir ailleurs à
V. R. la necessité que nous avons de ces dix hommes.

    With these good Brothers, we should have here at least ten men
    capable of building, cultivating, and reaping,--in a word, of doing
    everything. Whoever could do still more, would be the best; these
    who are altogether occupied with the heavy work, will not complain
    of those who perform the minor duties. We have already four of
    these men, so there remain six to be sent; and we shall send back
    next year all those we have, except these four. The following ought
    to be the arrangement of the household for the coming year in
    regard to work, if it so please Your Reverence: ten good workmen
    and three or four of our Brothers; namely, Our Brother Liegeois,
    Our Brother Claude Frémont, Our Brother the locksmith, whose name
    I do not know, and our Brother Gilbert, if he remain. In regard
    to the six workmen for whom we ask, the following will be their
    trades: two strong carpenters, at least one of them understanding
    how to erect a building,--in a word, let him understand his trade;
    a joiner, and three workmen [134] who can be employed in clearing
    the land, in using the pit saw (they need not know this trade, but
    must have only willingness and strength to do it), in reaping, in
    helping the carpenters, the mason, the brickmaker, in watching the
    cattle, in doing everything that is required of them; for this,
    strong men are needed, and those who are willing. If we cannot have
    two carpenters, let one good one, at least, come over; and, instead
    of the other, such a workman as I have just described. I shall
    speak again of this matter elsewhere, to the end that, if one of
    our ships fail to arrive, the other will bear our letters. It is
    very easy to describe a good workman, but quite difficult to find
    one. I shall explain to Your Reverence elsewhere our need of having
    these ten men.

Pour les quatre qui désirent ou désiroient entrer en notre Compagnie,
je lui diray qu'Ambroise, qui a si bien contenté à Orléans et ailleurs,
et mesme qui a rendu icy de bons services, s'en vouloit aller cette
année. Il est d'un bon naturel et bon ouvrier. S'il contente, nous
prierons V. R. de le recevoir l'an qui vient, si non il n'obtiendra
aucune lettre de recommandation. Pour Louys, il fait merveille dans
son mestier; quand on l'applique à autre chose, il est mescontent: les
grosses besognes qui sont icy le decouragent aussy bien que Robert
Hache. Ils sont tous deux bons enfants, mais ils n'ont pas assés de
[135] courage et peut estre de force pour les travaux de Canada. Ils
demandoient quasi de s'en retourner cette année; mais la crainte de
n'estre pas reçeus les a arrestés. Nous verrons comme ils feront
doresnavant; ils ont bonne volonté.

    As to the four who desire or were desiring to enter our Society,
    I will tell you that Ambroise, who gave such satisfaction at
    Orleans and elsewhere, and who even here rendered some good
    services, wished to go away this year. He has a good disposition
    and is an excellent workman. If he gives satisfaction, we will
    beg Your Reverence to receive him next year; if not, he will not
    secure any letter of recommendation. As for Louys, he does wonders
    in his trade; but when he is given something else to do, he is
    discontented. The rough and heavy work to be done here discourages
    him, as well as Robert Hache. They are both good boys, but they
    have not enough [135] courage, and perhaps not enough strength, for
    the work in Canada. They almost asked to return this year, but the
    fear of not being received stopped them. We will see how they do
    from now on; they show great willingness.

Quant à Jacques Junier, il est constant dans le bien. J'aimerois mieux
en verité dix hommes comme lui, que dix autres. Il y a longtemps
qu'il demeure sur le païs; je luy ay dit de la part de V. R. qu'il
seroit reçu repassant en France. Deux choses empescheront qu'il n'y
retourne cette année: la première, il a grande difficulté de se mettre
sur mer, s'y trouvant fort mal; la seconde, à peine la maison se
peut-elle passer de luy, tant il nous est nécessaire en toutes façons.
C'est un jeune homme que ne dit mot, mais qui fait beaucoup. Comme
je représentois au P. Lallemant que V. R. nous le renvoiroit au plus
tost, il m'a dit: «La difficulté qu'a nostre R. P. Provincial de luy
laisser faire icy son noviciat provient d'une croyance qu'il a que
cela ne soit pas bien trouvé à Rome ou bien de quelques uns de nos
Pères; car sans cela, il aime tant la mission, qu'il le laisseroit
icy, estant notamment informé de la douceur de ce bon garçon, auquel
il ne manque que l'habit pour estre religieux, et s'il fait dans la
religion comme il fait au monde, on sera content de luy. J'escriray
[136] donc, m'a-t-il dit, à Rome, afin qu'on nous accorde cette faveur,
qui nous est importante pour le bien de la maison; informés-en N. R. P.
Provincial.» C'est ce que je fay par la présente. S'il faut enfin qu'il
passe, il passera. Dieu est le maistre de tout. Je supplie V. R. me
pardonner s'il luy semble que je parle avec moins de respect dans mes
lettres; je ne veux rien absoluement, mon R. P., que ce que vous jugés
devant Dieu. Je parle selon que je croy la nécessité, ce me semble.

    As to Jacques Junier, he perseveres in doing right. In truth I
    would prefer ten men like him to ten others. He has now been a
    long time in the country; and I have told him, on the part of Your
    Reverence, that he would be received when he went back to France.
    Two things prevent his returning this year: the first is that it
    is exceedingly disagreeable for him to make a sea voyage, as he
    becomes very sick; the second, that the house can scarcely get
    along without him, he is so necessary to us in every way. He is a
    young man who says nothing, but does much. As I was representing to
    Father Lallemant that Your Reverence would send him back to us as
    soon as possible, he said to me: "The difficulty which our Reverend
    Father Provincial will have, in allowing him to make his novitiate
    here, arises from his belief that it would not be approved at Rome,
    nor indeed among some of our Fathers; were it not for this, he
    loves our mission so much that he would leave him here, especially
    if he were informed of the amiability of this good boy, who needs
    only the gown to be a religious; and, if he conducts himself in
    religion as he does in the world, they will be satisfied with him.
    I shall write [136] now to Rome," said he, "to the end that they
    may grant us this favor, which is important for the good of our
    house; inform Our Reverend Father Provincial of this." I am doing
    so through this letter. If he must return, he will return. God is
    the master of all. I beg Your Reverence to pardon me if I seem
    to speak with a lack of respect in my letters; I wish absolutely
    nothing, my Reverend Father, except what you deem best before God.
    I speak as I believe it needful, as it seems to me.

Parlons des Pères dont cette mission auroit besoin.

    Let us speak of the Fathers whom this mission needs.

Il en faudroit deux aux Hurons; s'ils font la paix avec les Iroquois,
comme elle se traite à ce qu'on dit, il en faudroit bien davantage;
car il faudroit entrer dans tous les peuples stables. Si ces nations
viennent à recevoir la foy, elle crieront à la faim, et on ne leur
pourra donner à manger, faute des personnes qui sçachent les langues.
De plus les Frères qui seroient parmi les Hiroquois, travailleroient à
entretenir la paix entre eux et les Hurons; néanmoins sur l'incertitude
de cette paix, nous ne demandons que deux Pères pour les Hurons. Il
faut un supérieur aux Trois-Rivières, et deux Pères pour demeurer à
Kebec, proche de nos françois: voilà cinq prestres et deux Frères;
voyons la nécessité qu'il y a d'avoir tant de monde.

    Two are needed among the Hurons: if they make peace with the
    Iroquois, for I am told that it is being negotiated, a number
    more will be needed, as we must enter all the stationary tribes.
    If these people receive the faith, they will cry with hunger, and
    there will be no one to feed them, for lack of persons who know
    the languages. Moreover, the Brothers who should be among the
    Hiroquois would exert themselves to preserve the peace between them
    and the Hurons; nevertheless, on account of the uncertainty of
    this peace, we ask for only two Fathers to go to the Hurons. There
    must be a superior at Three Rivers, and two Fathers must remain at
    Kébec, near our french people; so this makes five priests and two
    Brothers. Let us see what need there is of having so many men.

Pour les deux Pères qu'on envoira aux Hurons, [137] ils pourroient
estre envoiés de là à la nation Neutre, ou parmy les Hiroquois, ou en
quelque autre nation, ou bien estre retenus dans les Hurons mesmes,
qui sont au nombre de trente mille âmes, en fort peu de païs. Pour
Kébec, je demande deux Pères; si le P. Lallemant est supérieur, il
demeurera avec les PP. Masse et de Nouë, et avec nos gens pour faire
réussir la maison; les deux Pères seront au fort, où on parle de leur
bastir une maisonnette ou une chambre; ils prescheront, entendront les
confessions, administreront les sacrements, diront la sainte messe à
nos françois: bref ils feront l'office de pasteur, et apprendront la
langue des sauvages, les allans voir quand ils cabaneront proche d'eux.
Ils auront un garçon, qui leur apportera toutes les semaines leurs
vivres de nostre maison esloignée du fort d'une bonne demie lieue.

    As for the two Fathers who will be sent to the Hurons, [137]
    they could be sent from there to the Neutral tribe, or among the
    Hiroquois, or to some other tribe; or even be kept among the
    Hurons, who number thirty thousand souls in a very small extent
    of country. For Kébec, I ask two Fathers; if Father Lallemant is
    superior, he will remain with Fathers Masse and de Nouë, and with
    our people, to ensure the success of the house; the two Fathers
    will be at the fort, where they talk of building them a little
    house or a room; they will preach, will hear confessions, will
    administer the sacraments, and will say holy mass for our french
    people; in short, they will perform the office of pastors, and will
    learn the language of the savages, going to visit them when they
    encamp around the place. They will have a boy, who will every week
    bring them their food from our house, distant from the fort a good
    half league.

Je demande un supérieur aux Trois-Rivières, pour ce que ce n'est pas
trop de tenir là trois Pères, afin qu'il y en ait toujours deux libres
pour les sauvages. Que si V. R. n'en veut envoyer que deux, le P.
Buteux à qui j'aprendray cette année ce que je pourray de la langue,
demeurera avec lui à Kébec ou aux Trois-Rivières, et moy avec l'autre;
mais à mon advis ce n'est pas trop de trois pour les Trois-Rivières:
l'un sera pour nos françois, les deux autres pour les sauvages, voir
mesme il se pourra [138] faire qu'on en envoira l'un d'eux aux Hurons
avec les deux qu'il y faut faire passer. Je me doute bien que le Pere
Brebeuf en pourra demander plus de deux; si bien que si V. R. nous peut
donner cinq Peres et deux Frères, ce ne sera pas trop. Je me souviens
de ce que je lui ay autrefois entendu à dire, «_ad pauca attendens
facile enunciat_; j'ay bien le monde qu'il fault, mais je ne dy pas où
on trouvera de quoy le nourrir.» A cela je n'ay point de répartie. Je
me restreins le plus qu'il m'est possible; car pour le bien de cette
mission, il faudroit bien plus de monde que nous n'en demandons.

    I ask a superior for Three Rivers, for it is not too much to
    keep three Fathers there, so that there may be always two free
    for the savages. But if Your Reverence wishes to send only two,
    Father Buteux, to whom I shall this year teach what I know of the
    language, will remain with the one at Kébec, or at Three Rivers,
    and I with the other; but it seems to me three are not too many for
    Three Rivers; one will be for our french people, the two others
    for the savages; indeed, it may [138] happen that one of them
    will be sent to the Hurons, with the two who must go up there. I
    am inclined to think that Father Brebeuf may ask more than two; so
    that, if Your Reverence can send us five Fathers and two Brothers,
    it will not be too many. I often call to mind what I once heard him
    say, "_ad pauca attendens facile enunciat_; I have indeed as many
    people as I need, but I do not say where the food will be found to
    nourish them." To that I have no answer. I am restricting myself as
    much as I can; because, for the good of this mission, it would be
    well to have more people than we are asking.

J'ay icy deux humbles supplications à faire à V. R. Je les fay au
nom de Jésus Christ de toute l'estendue de mon cœur: mon R. P., je
conjure V. R. de me décharger. Je dy quelquefois aux petites croix
qui me viennent: «Et encor celle là, et tant que vous voudrés, ô mon
Dieu.» Mais à celles que le P. Lallemant m'a apporté dans les lettres
de V. R. qui me continuoient en charge je l'ay dy plus de trois fois,
mais avec une rétraction de cœur qui ne pouvoit boire ce calice. En
vérité, mon R. Père, je n'ay pas les talens, ny les qualités, ny la
douceur requise pour estre supérieur; de plus, je le dy et il est vray,
c'est un grand détourbier pour l'estude de la langue; je dy un très
grand détourbier, diray-je mesme que cecy, cette année, nuit au salut
peut-être [139] de quelques sauvages. J'apprend que les Sauvages qui
sont aux Trois-Rivières sont tous malades et meurent en grand nombre.
Le P. Brebeuf mesme qui a passé par là, m'escrit qu'il seroit à propos
que j'y allasse: je suis dans les écritures, je n'ay rien ou peu de
choses prestes, les vaisseaux seront bien tost prests, à faire voile;
je seray surpris de mes lettres et informations, que j'envoie à V. R.
touchant nos besoins; je me dépêche tant que je peux. Si je n'estois
point Superieur, je serois délivré de tout cela; il y a longtemps que
je serois là hault. Je me dispose pour y aller tout à fait jusques au
printemps ou jusques à la venue des vaisseaux. Je n'ay pas l'esprit
capable de tant de choses: le soin de nos gens, tant de sortes de
petits travaux qu'il y a, bref tout s'addresse au Supérieur, et cela
le divertit infiniment, notamment à Kebec, où nous sommes bon nombre
de personnes. Adjoutés les sermons, confessions, visites: je veux
croire que tout cela empescheroit peu le P. Lallemant de l'estude de la
langue; pour moy, je le dy devant Dieu, cela m'en détourne grandement.
Depuis le mois d'avril, auquel je retournay d'avec les sauvages, je
n'ay pas regardé un seul mot de leur langue. Le P. Lallemant, qui
n'est pas si assidu à l'estude, a voulu, au commencement de sa venue,
prendre un petit garde au travail de nos hommes. Enfin il s'en [140]
est défait, me confessant ingénuement, ce qu'il n'avoit pas voulu
croire, qu'il estoit impossible d'estudier avec ce soin. On donne un
temps tout libre à ceux qui estudient dans nos classes; ils ont de
braves maistres; ils ont de bons livres; ils sont logés commodément:
et moy qui suis sans livres, sans maistres, mal logé, pourray-je bien
estudier avec un soin qui m'occupe quasi tout entier bien souvent? V.
R. considerera cecy devant Dieu, s'il luy plaist; je ne veux que sa
plus grande gloire. Il est vray que je me bas contre mon ombre; le
temps parle pour moy: il y a plus de trois ans (ou il y aura à la venue
des vaisseaux) que je suis en charge; le Père Lallemant estant ce qu'il
est, et demeurant à Kebec, contentera infiniement. Je remercie desjà
par avance V. R. de ce qu'elle m'accordera cette requeste. Voicy la
seconde.

    Just here I have two humble requests to make of Your Reverence.
    I make them in the name of Jesus Christ from the very depths of
    my heart. My Reverend Father, I beg Your Reverence to discharge
    me. I sometimes say to the little crosses which come to me, "And
    this also and as many as you wish, O my God." But to those which
    Father Lallemant has brought me in Your Reverence's letters, which
    continue me in my charge, I have said this more than three times,
    but with a shrinking of the heart which could not drink this cup.
    In truth, my Reverend Father, I have not the talents, nor the
    qualities, nor the mildness, necessary to be superior: besides,
    I say it, and it is true, it is a great disturbance in the study
    of the language; I say a very great disturbance,--I will even say
    that this, during the present year, is preventing the salvation,
    perhaps, [139] of some savages. I learn that the Savages who are
    at Three Rivers are all sick, and are dying in great numbers. Also
    Father Brebeuf, who passed through there, writes me that it would
    be fitting that I should go there; I am busy with the letters, I
    have nothing or very little ready; the ships will soon be ready to
    sail away; I shall not have my letters and reports prepared to send
    Your Reverence in regard to our needs, but I am hurrying as much
    as possible. If I were not Superior, I would be free from all this
    and would have been up there a long time ago. I am preparing to go
    there and remain until spring, or until the coming of the ships. I
    have not a mind capable of so many things: the care of our people,
    little difficulties of so many kinds, in short, all are brought to
    the Superior; and that distracts him greatly, especially at Kebec,
    where we are quite numerous. Add to this the sermons, confessions,
    and visits. I am willing to think that all these things would not
    greatly interfere with Father Lallemant's study of the language;
    as for me, I say it before God, it distracts me greatly therefrom.
    Since the month of April, when I returned from my stay with the
    savages, I have not looked at a word of their language. Father
    Lallemant, who is not so studious, wished, when he first came,
    to pay a little attention to the work of our men. Finally he got
    [140] rid of this duty, confessing to me frankly, what he had been
    unwilling to believe, that it was impossible to study with this
    care. Time altogether free is given to those who study in our
    classes, they have good teachers, they have good books, they are
    comfortably lodged; and I, who am without books, without masters,
    badly lodged, shall I be able to study, engrossed with cares which
    very often occupy me almost entirely? Your Reverence will consider
    this before God, if you please; I wish only his greater glory. It
    is true that I start at my own shadow; but time speaks for me,--it
    is more than three years (or will be at the coming of the ships)
    since I have been in charge; Father Lallemant, being what he is,
    and dwelling at Kebec, will give great satisfaction. I thank Your
    Reverence in advance for granting me this request. Here is the
    second.

Le P. Benier m'escrit qu'il ne se sçauroit consoler de ce qu'il
ne vient point en Canada, sinon dans la veue de ses péchés qui l'en
empêchent; il me prie d'escrire à Rome pour luy. Je dy tout mon cœur
à V. R. il espère que de là on luy ouvrira la porte, les Provinciaux
luy fermans en France. J'en ay escry, comme il m'en supplie; mais ce
n'est pas de là que j'attend ma plus grande consolation, mon R. P.
Permettés moy, que je le demande pour Dieu, au nom de Dieu et en Dieu,
pour le salut de plusieurs [141] âmes; je renonce entièrement à tout
ce qu'il y auroit de déréglé dans mon affection; non, mon R. P., ce
n'est point l'affection de la créature qui parle. Si. V. R., à qui
Dieu se communique plus abondamment qu'à un pauvre pécheur, juge dans
un dénuement de tout en la présence de Jesus Christ, qu'il soit plus
nécessaire en France et auprès d'une femme,[XXIII.] qu'au milieu de ces
peuples barbares, je ne le demande plus: _majorem Dei gloriam specto_.
S'il rend tant soit peu plus de services à Notre Seigneur où il est,
qu'il ne feroit en la Nouvelle France, qu'il y demeure, au nom de Dieu;
c'est là où je le souhaitte. Mais si V. R. juge que Dieu le veuille
icy, je le demande de tout mon cœur. La crainte que j'ay qu'il n'arrive
quelque changement, me fait conjurer V. R. de nous donner selon le cœur
qu'elle a pour nous. Si je sçavois que celui qui luy pourra succeder
dût hériter de son amour, je ne serois pas si importun; car il est vray
que je suis honteux de tant presser.

    Father Benier writes me that he would be inconsolable at not coming
    to Canada, if he were not confronted with his sins, which prevent
    him from it; he begs me to write to Rome for him. I tell Your
    Reverence frankly that he hopes they will open to him, from there,
    the door which the Provincials have closed to him in France. I have
    written them, as he requested me; but it is not from there that I
    expect my greatest consolation, my Reverend Father. Permit me to
    ask him for God, in the name of God, and in God, for the salvation
    of many [141] souls; I renounce entirely anything immoderate in my
    affection; no, my Reverend Father, it is not the affection of the
    creature which speaks. If Your Reverence, to whom God communicates
    himself more fully than to a poor sinner, should deem, in the
    presence of Jesus Christ, uninfluenced by any motive whatsoever,
    that he is more necessary in France and near a woman[XXIV.] than
    in the midst of these barbarous people, I ask for him no more;
    _majorem Dei gloriam specto_. If he renders more service to Our
    Lord where he is, however little it may be, than he would in New
    France, let him remain there, in the name of God; it is there where
    I wish him to be. But if Your Reverence thinks that God wishes him
    here, I ask for him with all my heart. My fear that some changes
    may occur makes me conjure Your Reverence to give to us according
    to your affection for us. If I knew that he who may succeed you
    would inherit your love, I would not be so importunate; for truly I
    am ashamed to be so urgent.

Encore ce coup, mon R. P., qui sera conforme à son affection:
donnez-nous, s'il vous plaist, le P. Benier, et le P. Vimont, si le P.
Benier ne passe pendant qu'elle est en charge, je ne l'attend plus;
[142] je le demanderay tant à Dieu, et j'ay une confiance en luy, qu'il
nous le donnera.

    Yet this one favor, my Reverend Father, which will be in harmony
    with your affection; give us, if you please, Father Benier and
    Father Vimont. If Father Benier does not come over while you are
    in charge, I shall never expect him; [142] I shall ask for him
    fervently from God, and I am confident that he will give him to us.

V. R. trouvera-t'elle bon que je parle encore une fois librement pour
un moment de temps. Le P. Lallemant Supérieur à Kebec, le P. Vimont et
le P. Buteux demeureront au fort, le P. Benier, le P. Pinette ou le
P. Garnier, et le P. Le Jeune aux Trois-Rivières. Le P. Pinette ou le
P. Garnier, et le P. Mercier, qui est au collége de Paris, pour les
Hurons; je ne cognoy pas ce dernier, mais on m'en dy du bien. Pardonnez
moi mon R. Père, pardonnez moi mes sottises, j'entend que toutes mes
demandes soient des refus, si elles ne sont conformes aux volontés de
Dieu, qui me seront déclarées par celle de V. R. que j'embrasseray de
tout mon cœur jusques à la mort, si je puis et ultra. Je ne peux ny
ne veux déterminer de moy en aucune façon, ny des autres; je propose
avec amour et confiance et avec indifference; mais je demande les
meilleurs ouvriers que je peux, pour ce qu'il faut icy, en vérité, des
esprits qui viennent à la croix et non aux conversions, qui soient
extrêmement souples et dociles: autrement il n'y a icy plus de paix et
par conséquent point de fruit. Il faut la chasteté de nos constitutions
tout-à-fait angélique; il ne faut qu'estendre la main pour cueillir la
pomme du péché.

    Will Your Reverence overlook it if I continue a moment longer to
    speak freely? Father Lallemant being Superior at Kebec, Father
    Vimont and Father Buteux will remain at the fort; Father Benier,
    Father Pinette, or Father Garnier, and Father Le Jeune, at Three
    Rivers. Father Pinette, or Father Garnier, and Father Mercier, who
    is at the college of Paris, for the Hurons; I am not acquainted
    with the last named, but they speak well of him to me. Pardon me,
    my Reverend Father, pardon me my foolishness; I expect that all
    my requests will be refused, if they are not conformable to the
    will of God, which will be declared to me through that of Your
    Reverence, and which I shall embrace with all my heart, even unto
    death, and beyond, if I can. I cannot, and do not wish, to decide
    for myself in any way, nor for others; I suggest with love and
    confidence, and with indifference; I ask for the best workers
    that I can have, because such are needed here,--in truth, men who
    come for the sake of the cross and not for conversions, who are
    extremely pliant and docile; otherwise there will be no longer
    any peace here, and consequently no fruit. The altogether angelic
    chastity demanded by our constitutions is necessary here; one needs
    only to extend the hand to gather the apple of sin.

[143] C'est à ce coup que mes longueurs seront ennuieuses; car ce
n'est pas encor fait. Parlons de l'estat auquel est notre maison[XXV.]
pour le présent. Nous avons une maison qui a quatre chambres basses:
la première sert de chapelle, la seconde de réfectoire, et dans ce
réfectoire sont nos chambres. Il y a deux petites chambres passables,
car elles sont de la grandeur d'un homme en quarré; il y en a deux
autres qui ont chacune huict pieds; mais il y a deux lits en chaque
chambre. Voila pour six personnes fort étroitement; les autres, quand
nous étions tous ensemble, couchoient au grenier. La troisième grande
chambre sert de cuisine; la quatrième c'est la chambre de nos gens:
voilà tout nostre logement. Dessus nous est un grenier, si bas qu'on
n'y sçauroit loger; nous y montons avec une échelle.

    [143] It is at this point that my tediousness will become
    wearisome; for it is not yet finished. Let us speak of the
    condition of our house[XXVII.] at the present time. We have a house
    which contains four rooms below: the first serves as chapel, the
    second as refectory, and in this refectory are our rooms. There are
    two little square rooms of moderate size, for they are proportioned
    to a man's height; there are two others, each of which has a
    dimension of eight feet; but there are two beds in each room. These
    are rather narrow quarters for six persons; the others, when we are
    all together, sleep in the garret. The third large room serves as
    kitchen, and the fourth is the room for our working people; this is
    our entire lodging. Above is a garret, so low that no one can dwell
    there; to this we mount with a ladder.

Il y avoit un autre bastiment de mesme grandeur vis-à-vis de celuy-cy.
Les Anglois en ont bruslé la moitié; l'autre moitié est couverte
seulement de bousillée; elle sert de grange, d'estable, et de
menuiserie. Nos gens, cette année, ont fait des aix, ont esté quérir
les arbres dans les bois; ils ont mis des portes, des fenestres par
tout; ils ont fait les petites chambres au réfectoire, quelques
meubles, tables, [144] escabeaux, crédences pour la chapelle et autres
choses semblables; ils ont enfermé notre maison de grands pieux de
sapin, nous faisant une belle cour d'environ cent pieds en quarré,
le Pere de Nouë conduisant cet ouvrage. Ces pieux ont quatorze pieds
de hault; il y en est entré près de douze cent. Cela est beau à voir
et bien utile. Nous y avons mis de bonnes portes, que Louys a bien
ferrés; avec tout cela on a cultivé, labouré, et ensemencé nos terres
défrichées: voilà les plus gros ouvrages de nos gens, et l'estat de la
maison.

    There was another building of the same size, opposite this one.
    The English burned half of it, and the other half is covered only
    with mud; it serves us as a barn, a stable, and a carpenter's room.
    Our workingmen this year have made boards, have gone to the woods
    to get the trees, have placed doors and windows throughout, have
    made the little rooms in the refectory, some furniture, tables,
    [144] stools, credence-tables for the chapel, and other similar
    things; they have enclosed our house with large poles of the fir
    tree, making for us a fine court about a hundred feet square, being
    superintended in this work by Father de Nouë. These poles are
    fourteen feet high, and there are about twelve hundred of them. It
    looks well, and is quite useful. We have placed some gates therein,
    which Louys has bound with iron. In addition to all this, we have
    cultivated, tilled, and seeded our cleared lands. So these are the
    more important works of our people, and the condition of the house.

Voicy ce qu'il faut faire doresnavant:

    The following is what must be done in future:

Il faut dresser une petite maison en une pointe de terre, qui est
vis-à-vis de nous.[XXVI.] Il n'y a que la rivière à passer; l'eau
tourne quasi tout à l'entour de cette pointe, faisant une peninsule.
Nous avons commencé à la fermer de pieux du costé de la terre, et
nous logerons là dedans notre bestial, sçavoir est, les vaches et les
cochons; il faut à cet effet dresser là une petite maison, pour ceux
qui en auront soin, comme aussy de bonnes estables bien abbritées
contre le froid.

    We must erect a small house upon a point of land which is
    opposite.[XXVIII.] We need only cross the river to reach it; the
    water almost surrounds this point, forming a peninsula. We have
    begun to enclose it with stakes on the land side, and we shall keep
    there our cattle; that is, our cows and pigs; for this purpose we
    must build a little house, for those who will take care of them,
    and also some good stables sheltered from the cold.

L'an passé, on nous envoya un homme pour charpentier qui ne l'estoit
pas, ce qui est cause qu'on n'a point basty cette année, ce qui nous
a fait un [145] grand tort. Il faut en outre achever de dresser ce
bastiment bruslé par les Anglois. On est après depuis la venue des
navires, qui nous ont apporté un charpentier; il faut des planches pour
le couvrir, faire les portes, fenestres, etc. Il nous faut faire une
grange pour mettre ce qu'on recueillera de la terre. Il faut faire un
puis: nous allons querir l'eau à deux cents pas de la maison; c'est
une grande peine, l'hiver notamment qu'il faut casser la glace de la
rivière pour avoir de l'eau. Il faut raccommoder et agrandir notre
cave, que nous avons entretenue jusques icy. Il faut redresser plus de
la moitié du bastiment ou nous logeons, et recouvrir tout, car il pleut
et neige par tout: au commencement nos Pères ne firent qu'un meschant
todis, pour se loger; les Anglois le négligeans, il seroit desjà par
terre, si nous ne fussions retournés pour l'entretenir; ce ne sont
que des planches et de petites lattes, sur lesquelles on a bousillé.
Il faut du monde pour le bestial; il faut labourer et ensemencer le
peu que nous avons de terre; il faut faucher et faire la moisson; il
faut faire le bois de chaufage, qu'on va desjà quérir assés loing sans
charrette; il faut faire de la chaux.

    Last year they sent us a man as a carpenter who was not one; and
    for this reason there has been no building this year, which has
    done us [145] great harm. We must also repair the damages in the
    building burned by the English. They have been doing this since
    the coming of the ship, which brought us a carpenter; we must have
    planks with which to cover it, and make doors, windows, etc. We
    must make a barn in which to put our crops. We must have a well; we
    have to go for water two hundred steps from the house, which causes
    us great trouble, especially in the winter, when we have to break
    the ice of the river in order to get it. We must repair and enlarge
    our cellar, which until now we have kept in good order. We must
    rebuild more than half of the building where we now are, and put a
    new roof upon it, for the rain and snow penetrate everywhere; at
    first, our Fathers made only a miserable hut in which to live; the
    English neglecting it, it would have fallen to the ground if we had
    not returned to preserve it; it is made only of planks and small
    laths, upon which some mud has been plastered. We must have people
    to look after the cattle; the little ground that we have must be
    tilled and sown; the harvest must be cut and gathered in. We must
    prepare firewood, which they have to get at some distance away, and
    without a cart. We must have some lime made.

Il y a mille choses que je ne sçaurois rapporter: que V. R. voie si
c'est trop de dix personnes pour tout cela. Nous en demanderions vingt
ou trente, [146] s'il y avoit de quoy les nourrir et payer; mais nous
nous restreignons-à dix, avec trois de nos Frères, et encore ne sçay-je
si on pourra fournir, en France, ce qu'il faut pour cecy et pour nous,
tant il y va de dépenses.

    There are a thousand things which I cannot mention, but Your
    Reverence may see whether ten persons are too many for all this.
    We would ask for twenty or thirty, [146] if there were anything
    with which to feed and maintain them; but we restrict ourselves to
    ten, with three of our Brothers; and even then I do not know if
    they will be able to furnish, in France, what will be necessary for
    these and for us, so great are the expenses.

    _Ce qu'on peut prétendre de cette maison pour soulager la mission
      et frais qu'elle doit faire pour notre entretien._

    _What may be expected of this house for the assistance of the
      mission, and the expenses necessary for our support._

Il y a quatre gros articles qui font la plus grande dépense de cette
mission: les lards qu'on envoie, le beurre, les boissons et les
farines; avec le temps, le pays peut fournir cecy. Pour les lards, si
dès cette année nous eussions esté bastis, il n'en eût point fallu
envoyer, ou pas tant, l'année prochaine: nous avons deux grosses truies
qui nourrissent chacune quatre petits cochons; il a fallu nourrir cela
tout l'esté dans notre cour à découvert. Le P. Masse nous a eslevé ce
bestial. Si cette pointe dont j'ay parlé estoit fermée, on les mettroit
là, et on ne leur donneroit rien l'esté; je veux dire que dans quelque
temps nous aurons du lard pour notre provision, c'est un article de 400
livres défalqué. Pour le beurre, nous avons deux vaches, deux petites
genisses et un petit taureau. M. de Caen laissant icy son bestial,
voyant qu'il se fust perdu, nous retirasmes trois vaches; de [147]
la famille, qui est icy, trois autres; eux et nous avons donné à M.
Giffard chacun une vache; il nous en reste ce que je viens de dire.
Faute de logement, elles nous coustent plus qu'elles ne valent: car
il faut détourner nos gens de choses plus nécessaires; elles gastent
ce que nous avons semé, et on ne les peut garder dans ces bois, les
mouches les tourmentent. Elles sont venues trois ans trop tost; mais
elles fussent mortes, si nous ne les eussions recueilly; nous les avons
prises comme abandonnées. Avec le temps elles donneront du beurre pour
la provision, et des bœufs pour labourer, et parfois de la chair.

    There are four staples which make up the greatest expense of this
    mission: the pork, butter, drinks, and flour, which are sent; in
    time, the country may furnish these things. As to pork, if from
    the beginning of this year we had had a building, no more of it,
    or not much, would have had to be sent next year; we have two fat
    sows which are each suckling four little pigs, and these we have
    been obliged to feed all summer in our open court. Father Masse
    has raised these animals for us. If that point of which I have
    spoken were enclosed, they could be put there and during the summer
    nothing need be given them to eat; I mean that in a short time we
    shall be provided with pork, an article which would save us 400
    livres. As to butter, we have two cows, two little heifers, and a
    little bull. M. de Caen having left his cattle here when he saw
    that he was ruined, we took of them three cows, and for [147] the
    family which is here, three others; they and we each gave to M.
    Giffard[8] a cow, so we have remaining the number that I have just
    stated. For lack of a building, they cost us more than they are
    worth, for our working people are obliged to neglect more necessary
    things for them; they spoil what we have sown; and they cannot be
    tended in the woods, for the insects torment them. They have come
    three years too soon, but they would have died if we had not taken
    them in; we took them when they were running wild. In time they
    will provide butter, and the oxen can be used for plowing, and will
    occasionally furnish meat.

Pour la boisson, il faudra faire de la bierre; mais nous attendrons
encore que nous soyons bastis, et qu'il y ait une brasserie dressée:
ces trois articles sont assurés avec le temps. Pour les blés, on a
douté si la terre, où nous sommes, n'estoit point trop froide. Allons
par ordre, et voyons la nature du sol: voicy deux années que tout ce
qui est du jardinage, qui ne lève que trop, a été mangé par la vermine,
qui provient ou du voisinage des bois, ou de ce que la terre n'est pas
bien encor exercée et purifiée ny aérée. Au milieu de l'esté, cette
vermine meurt, et nous avons de fort beaux jardinages.

    As to drinks, we shall have to make some beer; but we shall wait
    until we have built, and until a brewery is erected; these three
    articles are assured, with time. As to grains, some people are
    inclined to think that the land where we are is too cold. Let us
    proceed systematically, and consider the nature of the soil: these
    last two years all the vegetables, which come up only too fast,
    have been eaten by insects, which come either from the neighborhood
    of the woods, or from that land which has not yet been worked and
    purified, nor exposed to the air. In midsummer these insects die,
    and we have very fine vegetables.

Pour les arbres fruitiers, je ne scay ce qui en sera. Nous avons
deux allées, l'une de cent pieds [148] et plus, l'autre plus grande,
plantées de sauvageons de part et d'autre fort bien repris; nous avons
huit ou dix antes de pommiers et poiriers qui sont aussy fort bien
reprises: nous verrons comme cela réussira. J'ay quelque créance que le
froid nuit grandement aux fruits; dans quelques années nous en aurons
l'expérience. On a vu icy autre fois des belles pommes.

    As to the fruit trees, I do not know how they will turn out. We
    have two double rows of them, one of a hundred feet [148] or more,
    the other larger, planted on either side with wild trees which
    are well rooted. We have eight or ten rows of apple and pear
    trees, which are also very well rooted; we shall see how they will
    succeed. I have an idea that cold is very injurious to the fruit,
    but in a few years we shall know from experience. Formerly, some
    fine apples have been seen here.

Pour le bled d'inde, il meurit bien l'an passé; cette année il n'est
pas beau.

    As to the indian corn, it ripened very nicely the past year, but
    this year it is not so fine.

Pour les pois, je n'en ay point veu chez nous de beaux; la terre pousse
trop. Ils réussissent fort bien chez cette famille qui est en lieu
hault et plus aéré.

    As to peas, I have seen no good ones here; their growth is too
    rapid. They succeed very well with this family, who live in a
    higher and more airy location.

Le seigle a réussy deux ans. Nous en avons semé pour en faire
l'expérience; il est fort beau.

    The rye has succeeded well for two years. We planted some as an
    experiment, and it is very fine.

L'orge peut aussy réussir. Reste pour le froment: nous en avons semé à
l'automne en divers temps; il s'en est perdu en quelque endroit soubs
les neiges; en un autre endroit il s'est si bien conservé qu'on ne voit
point en France de plus beau bled. Nous ne sçavons pas bien encor le
temps qu'il faut prendre pour semer devant l'hiver; la famille qui est
icy a toujours semé du bled marsais, qui meurit fort bien en sa terre.
Nous en avons semé un peu cette année; nous verrons s'il meurira. Voila
les qualités du sol où nous sommes.

    Barley succeeds also. There remains the wheat; we sowed some in the
    autumn, at different times; in some places it was lost under the
    snow, in others it was so well preserved that no finer wheat can be
    seen in France. We do not yet know very well which time it is best
    to take before winter to put in the seed; the family living here
    has always sown spring wheat, which ripens nicely in their soil. We
    sowed a little of it this year, and will see whether it ripens. So
    these are the qualities of our soil.

Je rapporte tout cecy, pour ce que M. de Lauson [149] nous mandoit que
nous transportassions nos gens aux Trois-Rivières, où l'on va faire une
nouvelle habitation, disant que tout meuriroit mieux en ce quartier
là. On a esté bien en branle s'il le falloit faire; du moins on y
vouloit envoyer trois ou quatre hommes. J'ay toujours creu qu'il ne
falloit point diviser nos forces, et qu'il falloit faire réussir une
maison, qui fût par après le soutien des autres; qu'il falloit voir le
bien devant que d'y rien entreprendre. Enfin ceux qui sont passés les
premiers mandent que la terre y est fort sabloneuse; que tous y meurira
mieux pour un temps, mais que ce sol sera bien tost las. Je m'en vay
demeurer là, comme j'ay dit, avec le P. Buteux; nous verrons ce qui en
est. Quand la terre seroit très-bonne, je ne serois pas d'advis qu'on
quittast le soin de cette maison où nous sommes: c'est l'abord des
vaisseaux; ce doit estre le magasin, le lieu de refuge; la comodité
pour le bestial, à cause des prairies, y est grande; pour les farines,
au pis aller on peut avoir des seigles, mais j'espère qu'on aura aussy
de bon froment, et que le temps enseignera quand il le faut semer; si
le bled marsais meurit, le fourment, le seigle et l'orge viendront icy
fort bien. Tirons quelques conclusions de ce qu'il faut faire.

    I report all this because M. de Lauson [149] wrote to us that
    we should transport our people to Three Rivers, where they were
    going to make a new settlement, saying that everything would ripen
    better in that quarter. There was much hesitation as to whether
    it should be done; at least they wanted us to send three or four
    men there. I have always thought that our forces should not be
    divided, and that one house should be made successful, which might
    afterward be the support of the others; for it is necessary to
    see some result before undertaking anything else. In fact, those
    who went there first send word that the soil is very sandy, and
    that all would mature better for a time; but that this soil will
    soon be exhausted. I am going to live there, as I have said, with
    Father Buteux; we shall see what there is in it. Even if the soil
    is very good, I do not think that the care of this house, where we
    are, should be given up: it is the landing place of the ships, it
    ought to be the storehouse, or place of refuge; the advantages for
    raising cattle here, on account of the meadows, are great. As to
    the cereals, if the worst comes to the worst, we have oats, but I
    hope that we shall also have good wheat, and that time will show us
    when it ought to be sown; if the spring grains ripen, wheat, oats,
    and barley will be produced here very well. From this, let us draw
    some conclusions as to what should be done.

Primo, il se faut bastir pour nous loger, et les animaux et les bleds.

    First, we must build some place where we ourselves can stay, and
    can keep our animals and crops.

[150] Secundo, il faut semer maintenant ce qui est nécessaire,
seulement pour le bestial, et tascher, au plus tost dans peu d'années,
d'avoir des lards et du beurre.

    [150] Second, we must now sow what is necessary for the cattle,
    and try as soon as possible, in a few years, to have some pork and
    butter.

Tertio, estans logés, tous nos gens s'appliqueront à la terre, à
défricher et cultiver, pour avoir des bleds. Voilà ce me semble
l'ordre qu'il faut faire garder pour le temporel; quand on sera basty,
on ne tiendra plus ny charpentiers, ny artisans, mais seulement des
défricheurs et laboureurs, pour l'entretenement de la maison. On
empruntera par fois du fort un artisan, donnant un homme en sa place
pour le temps qu'on le tiendra.

    Third, being lodged, all our working people will apply themselves
    to clearing and cultivating the land, in order to have grains. The
    following is the order which it seems to me we ought to follow,
    in regard to the temporal; when we shall have built, we shall no
    longer keep any carpenters or artisans, but only woodchoppers and
    laborers, for the maintenance of the house. Occasionally we shall
    borrow an artisan from the fort, giving a man in his place for the
    time during which we shall keep him.

Ou bien ce qui me semble le meilleur, on tiendra serviteurs,
domestiques, et on nourrira des hommes qui défricheront et cultiveront
la terre à moitié, et ainsy, estans interessés dans leur travail, on
n'aura que faire de se mettre en peine d'eux. Il y a encore du temps
pour penser à cela.

    Or rather, what seems to me better, we shall keep domestic
    servants, and shall maintain men who will clear and cultivate the
    land by shares, and thus, being interested in their work, we shall
    not have to take any trouble for them. There is still time to think
    of that.

Voicy une autre affaire:

    Here is another matter:

On parle de commencer de nouvelles habitations en divers endroits, et
d'avoir là de nos Peres. J'ay une pensée, que nous ne sçaurions pas
entreprendre de nous loger et bastir partout; ce sera bien tout si
nous faisons bien réussir le lieu où nous sommes, et partant, pour
les autres habitations, deux ou trois de nos Peres, ou deux Peres et
un garçon y pourront [151] aller, et ces messieurs les logeront et
entretiendront, et fourniront tout ce qu'il faudra pour l'église ou
chapelle, s'il leur plaist. Nous allons le P. Buteux et moy, comme j'ay
desjà dit, demeurer aux Trois-Rivières expressement pour assister nos
françois, car nous n'irions pas sans cela; cependant nous portons des
meubles pour la sacristie, et habits pour nous, et, ce que je trouve
plus étrange, nos propres vivres que nous leur donnerons: car nous
mangerons avec eux, faute de logis où nous puissions nous retirer.
Nous faisons cela volontiers, car j'apprend que ces messieurs nous
aiment fort, et nous assistent tant qu'ils peuvent, selon l'estat de
leurs affaires; aussy faisons nous, et ferons nous tout ce que nous
pourrons en leur considération: car outre que nous portons aux Trois
Rivières jusques à de la cire et de la chandelle, nous avons envoyé
aux Hurons trois ou quatre personnes plus que nous n'eussions fait,
n'estoit leurs affaires que j'ay recommandées à nos hommes. Il est
vray qu'ils ont donné quelque chose pour ce subject, à ce que m'a dit
le Pere Lallemant. Je ne desire pas les importuner; mais je sçay leur
aise qu'ils sçachent que nous les servirons de bon cœur, et que nous
esperons qu'ils donneront ce qu'il faut pour l'entretien de [nos]
Pères aux nouvelles habitations, et qu'ils monteront leur chappelle,
comme ils ont fait cette année celle [152] de Kébec;[XXIX.] et qu'ils
donneront aussy des gages et des vivres aux hommes que nous tiendrons
en leur considération; et pour leurs affaires soit dans les Hurons,
soit ailleurs, nous tenons ces hommes avec nous, afin qu'ils ne se
débauchent avec les Sauvages et ne donnent mauvais exemple, comme ont
fait autrefois ceux qui y estoient. Voila pour le temporel de cette
mission; si je me souviens d'autre chose, je l'escriray en un autre
endroit.

    They are talking about beginning new settlements in different
    places, and of having there some of our Fathers. I have an idea
    that we could not undertake to settle and build everywhere; it
    will be all we can do if we make the place where we are prosper;
    and therefore, for the other settlements, two or three of our
    Fathers, or two Fathers and a boy, can [151] go to them, and these
    gentlemen will lodge and maintain them, and will furnish everything
    for the church or chapel that they see fit. We are going, Father
    Buteux and I, as I have said, to live at Three Rivers expressly
    to assist our countrymen, for we would not go, were it not for
    that; however, we are going to take furniture for the sacristy,
    and clothes for ourselves, and, what seems to me stranger still,
    our own food, which we shall give to them; for we shall eat with
    them, for lack of a dwelling where we might be by ourselves. We
    do this willingly, for I learn that these gentlemen are very much
    attached to us, and assist us as much as they can, according to the
    condition of their affairs; also we do, and will do, all that we
    can for their sakes; for, besides carrying with us to Three Rivers
    everything, even to the wax and the candles, we have sent to the
    Hurons three or four more persons than we should have done, were
    it not for their affairs which I have entrusted to our men. It is
    true, that they have given something for this object, according to
    what Father Lallemant has told me. I do not wish to importune them;
    but I am aware that they are glad to know that we will serve them
    willingly, and that we shall expect them to give what is necessary
    for the maintenance of [our] Fathers in the new settlements; and
    that they will furnish their chapel, as they have done this year
    this one [152] at Kébec;[XXX.] and that they will give also wages
    and food to the men whom we shall keep for their sakes; and on
    their account, either among the Hurons, or elsewhere, we keep
    these men with us, in order that they may not become debauched
    with the Savages and show a bad example, as those did who were
    here formerly. This is all there is to be said for the temporal
    interests of this mission; if I remember anything else, I shall
    write it in another place.

Venons au spirituel.

    Let us come to the spiritual.

Premièrement nous esperons une grande moisson avec le temps dans les
Hurons, plus grande et plus prochaine si on y peut envoyer beaucoup
d'ouvriers pour passer dans les nations voisines, le tout soubs la
conduite et l'ordonnance du Supérieur qui sera aux Hurons. Ces peuples
sont sédentaires et en grand nombre; j'espère que le P. Buteux sçaura
dans un an autant du langage montagnais qui j'en sçay, pour l'enseigner
aux autres, et ainsy j'iray où on voudra. Ce n'est pas que j'attende
rien de moy; je tacheray de servir pour le moins de compagnon. Ces
peuples, où nous sommes, sont errans et en fort petit nombre; il sera
difficile de les convertir, [153] si on ne les arreste; j'en ay apporté
les moyens dans la Relation.

    First, we shall hope to have in time a great harvest among the
    Hurons,--greater and nearer, if we can send there many laborers to
    pass into the neighboring tribes, all to be under the leadership
    and command of the Superior who will be among the Hurons. These
    people are sedentary and very populous; I hope that Father Buteux
    will know in one year as much of the montagnais language as I know
    of it, in order to teach it to the others, and thus I shall go
    wherever I shall be wanted. It is not that I expect anything of
    myself, but I shall try to serve at least as a companion. These
    people, where we are, are wandering, and very few in number; it
    will be difficult to convert them, [153] if we cannot make them
    stationary; I have discussed the means for doing this, in my
    Relation.

Pour le Seminaire, hélas! pourroit-on bien avoir un fond pour cela?
Dans les bastimens dont j'ay parlé, nous désignons un petit lieu pour
le commencer, attendant qu'on fasse exprès un corps de logis pour ce
subject. Si nous estions bastis, j'espérerois que dans deux ans le P.
Brebeuf nous envoiroit des enfants hurons; on les pourroit instruire
icy avec toute liberté, estans éloignés de leur parens. O le grand coup
pour la gloire de Dieu, si cela se faisoit!

    As to the Seminary, alas! if we could only have a fund for this
    purpose! In the structures of which I have spoken, we marked out a
    little place for the beginning of one, waiting until some special
    houses be erected expressly for this purpose. If we had any built,
    I would hope that in two years Father Brebeuf would send us some
    huron children; they could be instructed here with all freedom,
    being separated from their parents. Oh, what a great stroke for the
    glory of God, if that were done!

Quant aux enfants des Sauvages de ce pais-cy, il y aura plus de peine
à les retenir; je n'y voy point d'autre moyen que celuy que touche
V. R. d'envoyer un enfant tous les ans en France: ayant esté là deux
ans, il y reviendra sçachant la langue; estant desjà accoustumé à nos
façons de faire, il ne nous quittera point et retiendra ses petits
compatriotes. Notre petit Fortuné, qu'on a renvoyé pour estre malade,
et que nous ne pouvons rendre à ses parens, car il n'en a point, est
tout autre qu'il n'estoit, encor qu'il n'ait demeuré que fort peu en
France; tant s'en faut qu'il courre après les Sauvages, il les fuit,
et se rend fort obéissant. En vérité il m'estonne: car il s'encouroit
incontinent aux cabanes de ces barbares sitost qu'on lui disoit un mot;
il ne pouvoit [154] souffrir qu'on luy commandast quoy que ce fust:
maintenant il est prompt à ce qu'il peut faire. Je voulois envoyer
cette année une petite fille, que la famille, qui est icy, m'a donnée,
peut-être encore un petit garçon, selon le désir de V. R. Mais M. de
Champlain m'a dit que M. de Lauson luy avoit recommandé de ne laisser
passer aucun Sauvage petit ou grand. Je l'avois prié l'an passé du
contraire; j'ay quelque pensée que le P. Lallemant a quelque part en
ce conseil et en cette conclusion. Voicy les raisons pourquoy ils
jugent qu'il n'est pas expédient qu'il en passe: 1º L'exemple des deux
qui sont passés, et qui se sont perdus. Je respond que Louys[XXXI.]
le Huron, fut pris et corrompu par les Anglois, et encor a-t-il fait
icy le debvoir de chrestien, se confessant et communiant, l'an passé,
à sa venue et à son départ de Kébec; il est maintenant prisonnier des
Hiroquois. Pour Pierre le montagnais,[XXXIII.] mené [155] en France par
les Pères Récolets, estant icy de retour, il fuyoit les Sauvages: on le
contraignit de retourner avec eux pour apprendre la langue, qu'il avoit
oubliée; il n'y vouloit pas aller, jusque là qu'il dit: On me force,
mais si j'y retourne une fois on ne m'aura pas comme on voudra. Les
Anglois sont survenus là-dessus, qui l'ont gasté; adjoustés que je n'ay
point veu sauvage si sauvage et si barbare que luy.

    As to the children of the Savages in this country, there will be
    more trouble in keeping them; I see no other way than that which
    Your Reverence suggests, of sending a child every year to France.
    Having been there two years, he will return with a knowledge of
    the language, and having already become accustomed to our ways,
    he will not leave us and will retain his little countrymen. Our
    little Fortuné, who has been sent back because he was sick, and who
    can not return to his parents, for he has none, is quite different
    from what he was, although he has lived only a little while in
    France; so far from mingling with the Savages, he runs away from
    them, and is becoming very obedient. In truth he astonishes me,
    for he used to begin to run to the cabins of the barbarians as
    soon as we said a word to him; he could not [154] suffer any one
    to command him, whoever he might be; now he is prompt in whatever
    he does. This year I wished to send a little girl, who was given
    me by the family, that lives here, and perhaps also a little boy,
    according to Your Reverence's wish. But M. de Champlain told me
    that M. de Lauson had recommended him not to let any Savage go
    over, small or great. I begged him last year to allow this to be
    done; I have an idea that Father Lallemant has some share in this
    advice and in this conclusion. Here are the reasons why they think
    that it is not expedient for them to go over: 1st. The example of
    the two who have gone over and who have been ruined. I answer that
    Louys[XXXII.] the Huron was taken and corrupted by the English; and
    yet he has here performed the duties of a Christian, confessing and
    taking communion last year at his arrival, and at his departure
    from Kebec; he is now a prisoner of the Hiroquois. As to Pierre the
    montagnais,[XXXIV.] taken [155] into France by the Récolet Fathers,
    when he returned here, he fled from the Savages; he was compelled
    to return among them, in order to learn the language, which he had
    forgotten; he did not wish to go, even saying: "They are forcing
    me; but, if I once go there, they will not get me back as they
    wish." At that time the English came upon the scene, and they have
    spoiled him; I may add that I have not seen a savage so savage and
    so barbarous as he is.

L'autre raison du P. Lallemant est que ces enfans cousteront à nourrir
et entretenir en France, et la mission est pauvre. S'ils sont en un
collége, on demandera pension; s'ils sont ailleurs, cela retardera les
aumônes que feroient les personnes qui les nourriront. Je répond que
les collèges ne prendront point de pension, et quand il en faudroit, je
trouve la chose si importante pour la gloire de Dieu, qu'il la faudroít
donner. Le P. Lallemant commence à gouster mes raisons; car je l'assure
qu'on ne peut retenir les petits Sauvages, s'ils ne sont dépaïsés ou
s'ils n'ont quelques camarades qui les aident à demeurer volontiers.
Nous en avons eû deux: en l'absence des sauvages, ils obéissoient
tellement quellement; les sauvages estoient-ils cabanés près de nous,
nos enfants n'estoient plus à nous, nous n'osions leur rien dire.

    Father Lallemant's other reason is that it will cost something to
    maintain these children in France, and the mission is poor. If
    they are in a college, their board will have to be paid; if they
    are elsewhere, that will diminish the alms which would be given by
    the persons who support them. I answer that the colleges will not
    take anything for board; and, if it were necessary to pay this, I
    find the affair so important for the glory of God, that it ought
    to be given. Father Lallemant begins to appreciate my reasons,
    for I assured him that we could not retain the little Savages, if
    they be not removed from their native country, or if they have not
    some companions who help them to remain of their own free will. We
    have had two of these: in the absence of the savages they obeyed
    tolerably well, but when the savages were encamped near us, our
    children no longer belonged to us, we dared say nothing.

Si nous pouvons avoir quelques enfants cette [156] année, je feray
mon possible pour les faire passer, du moins deux garçons, et cette
petite fille, qui trouvera trois maisons pour une. On m'en demande en
plusieurs endroits. Si M. Duplessis m'écoute, au nom de Dieu, soit.
Quant le P. Lallemant aura expérimenté la difficulté qu'il y a de
retenir ces enfants libertins, il parlera plus haut que moy.

    If we can have some children this [156] year I shall do all I can
    to have them go over, at least two boys and this little girl, who
    will find three homes for one. Several places have asked me for
    them. If M. Duplessis listens to me, in the name of God, so let it
    be. When Father Lallemant shall have found out the difficulty there
    is in keeping these wild children, he will speak more peremptorily
    than I do.

V. R. voit, par tout ce qui a esté dit, le bien que l'on peut espérer
pour la gloire de Dieu de toutes ces contrées, et combien il est
important, non-seulement de ne rien divertir ailleurs de ce qui est
donné pour la mission de Kebec, mais encore de trouver quelque chose
pour faire subsister du moins une maison qui serve de retraite aux
Nostres, qui serve de séminaire pour des enfants et pour les Nostres
qui apprendront un jour les langues, car il y a quantité de peuples
différens tous en langage.

Voici encore.....

(_Le reste manque au manuscrit._)

    Your Reverence sees, through all that has been said, the benefits
    to be expected for the glory of God from all of these countries,
    and how important it is, not only not to divert to some other
    places what is given for the mission at Kebec, but still more to
    find something for the maintenance at least of a house which may
    serve as a retreat for Our Associates, as a seminary for children,
    and for Our Brothers who will one day learn the languages, for
    there are a great many tribes differing altogether in their
    language.

    Still further ...

    (_The rest of this manuscript is lacking._)


NOTES:

[I.] Jean de Lauson, intendant de la compagnie des Cent-Associés, et
qui fut plus tard gouverneur de la Nouvelle-France.

[III.] Jean de Brébeuf, d'une famille noble de Normandie, l'un des
premiers missionnaires jésuites venus en Canada en 1625, et qui fut
martyrisé au pays des Hurons en 1649 par les Iroquois.

[IV.] Antoine Daniel, natif de Dieppe, arrivé l'année précédente 1633,
et martyrisé par les Iroquois, en 1649.

[V.] Ambroise Davost, arrivé l'année précédente, en même temps que le
P. Daniel.

[VI.] Le P. Ennemond Masse, le même qui avait évangélisé les sauvages
de l'Acadie, dès l'année 1611, avec le P. Biard. Il vint en Canada en
1633 et mourut en la résidence de Saint-Joseph de Sillery, en 1646, à
l'âge de 72 ans.

[XI.] Anne De Nouë, natif de Champagne, venu au Canada en 1626 et
martyr de son zèle en 1646. On le trouva gelé sur le Saint-Laurent.

[XII.] Il vint au Canada en même temps que le P. Lejeune, en 1632.

[XIII.] Le Frère Jean Liégeois, qui périt victime de la haine des
Iroquois, près de Sillery, en 1655.

[XVII.] Duplessis-Bochart, général de la flotte, comme on l'appelait
alors, qui fut plus tard nommé gouverneur des Trois-Rivières, et qui
fut tué par les Iroquois, le 19 août 1652.

[XIX.] Le P. Jacques Buteux, natif d'Abbeville, en Picardie, qui fut
tué par les Iroquois, le 10 de mai 1652.

[XX.] Le P. Charles Lalemant, l'un des trois premiers missionnaires
jésuites venus à Québec, en 1625.

[XXIII.] Le P. Benier était confesseur de la princesse X ***.

[XXV.] Notre-Dame des Anges, près de Québec.

[XXVI.] La pointe aux Lièvres, à l'entrée de la rivière Saint-Charles.

[XXIX.] «L'an 1634, Messieurs de la Compagnie ont envoyé pour cent
escus de meubles et ornements entre autres l'image de saint Joseph en
bosse qui est sur l'autel.» _Catalogue des bienfaiteurs de Notre-Dame
de Recouvrance_ (Archives du Séminaire de Québec).

[XXXI.] Louis Amantacha, surnommé de Sainte-Foy, qui avait été baptisé
en France.

[XXXIII.] Ou Pierre-Antoine Patetchoanen, «qui depuis cinq ans (1620-5)
avoit été envoyé en France par nos religieux de Kébec; lequel après
avoir été bien instruit et endoctriné aux choses de la foy, fut baptizé
et nommé par deffunt M. le Prince de Guiménée, son parrain, Pierre
Antoine, qu'il entretint aux études jusques après sa mort, que l'enfant
fut congru en la langue latine, et si bon françois, qu'estant de retour
à Kébec, nos religieux furent contraints le renvoyer pour quelque temps
entre ses parens, afin de reprendre les idées de sa langue maternelle,
qu'il avoit presque oublié.» (F. Sagard.)


FOOTNOTES:

[II.] Jean de Lauson,[2] intendant of the company of the Hundred
Associates, who was later governor of New France--[Carayon.]

[VII.] Jean de Brébeuf, of a noble family of Normandy, one of the first
jesuit missionaries, came to Canada in 1625, and was martyred in the
country of the Hurons, in 1649, by the Iroquois.--[Carayon.]

[VIII.] Antoine Daniel, a native of Dieppe, arrived the preceding year,
1633, and was martyred by the Iroquois in 1649.--[Carayon.]

[IX.] Ambroise Davost arrived the preceding year, at the same time as
Father Daniel.[3]--[Carayon.]

[X.] Father Ennemond Masse, the same one who had evangelized the
savages of Acadia in the year 1611 with Father Biard. He came to Canada
in 1633 and died at the residence of Saint-Joseph de Sillery, in 1646,
at the age of 72 years.--[Carayon.]

[XIV.] Anne De Nouë, native of Champagne, came to Canada in the year
1626 and was a martyr to his zeal in 1646. He was found frozen upon the
Saint Lawrence.--[Carayon.]

[XV.] He came to Canada the same time as Lejeune, 1632.--[Carayon.]

[XVI.] Brother Jean Liégeois, who perished as a victim of Iroquois
hatred, near Sillery, in 1655.--[Carayon.]

[XVIII.] Duplessis-Bochart, general of the fleet, as he was then
called; who was later made governor of Three Rivers and killed by the
Iroquois on the 19th of August, 1652.--[Carayon.]

[XXI.] Father Jacques Buteux,[5] a native of Abbeville, in Picardie,
who was killed by the Iroquois on the 10th of May, 1652.--[Carayon.]

[XXII.] Father Charles Lalemant, one of the first three jesuit
missionaries, came to Quebec in 1625.--[Carayon.]

[XXIV.] Father Benier was confessor of the princess X ***.--[Carayon.]

[XXVII.] Notre Dame des Anges,[7] near Quebec--[Carayon.]

[XXVIII.] La pointe aux Lièvres, at mouth of river Saint
Charles.--[Carayon.]

[XXX.] "In the year 1634 the Gentlemen of the Society sent one hundred
ecus' worth of furniture and ornaments, among others the figure of
saint Joseph in relief, which is over the altar." _Catalogue of the
benefactors of Notre-Dame de Recouvrance._ (Archives of the Seminary at
Québec.)--[Carayon.]

[XXXII.] Louis Amantacha, surnamed Sainte-Foy, who was baptized in
France.--[Carayon.]

[XXXIV.] Pierre-Antoine Patetchoanen, "who, five years ago, (1620-5)
was sent into France by our religious of Kébec; after having been
taught and instructed in the doctrines of the faith, he was baptized
and named by the deceased M. le Prince de Guiménée, his godfather,
Pierre Antoine, who maintained him at his studies up to the time of his
death, until the child became so well versed in the latin language, and
so good a frenchman, that having returned to Kébec, our religious were
obliged to send him back for a little while to his parents, so that
he might regain the ideas of his native tongue, which he had almost
forgotten."[12] (F. Sagard.)--[Carayon.]




                                 XXIII

                       LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1634

                    PARIS: SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, 1635


SOURCE: Title-page and text reprinted from the copy of the first issue,
in Lenox Library. Table des Chapitres, from the second issue, at Lenox.

Chaps. i.-ix., only, are given in the present volume; the concluding
portion will appear in Volume VII.




                               RELATION
                        DE CE QVI S'EST PASSÉ
                                EN LA
                           NOVVELLE FRANCE,
                           EN L'ANNÉE 1634.

                              Enuoyée au
             R. PERE PROVINCIAL de la Compangnie de +IESVS+
                       en la Prouince de France.

    _Par le P. Paul le Ieune de la mesme Compagnie, Superieur de la
                        residence de_ K_ebec._

[Illustration]

                                A PARIS

 Chez SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, Imprimeur ordinaire du Roy, ruë S. Iacques,
                             aux Cicognes.

                              M DC. XXXV.

                       _AVEC PRIVILEGE DV ROY._


                               RELATION
                           OF WHAT OCCURRED
                                  IN
                              NEW FRANCE,
                           IN THE YEAR 1634.

                              Sent to the
                      REVEREND FATHER PROVINCIAL
                    of the Society of JESUS in the
                          Province of France.

            _By Father Paul le Jeune, of the same Society,
                 Superior of the Residence of Kebec._

                                PARIS,

         SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, Printer in ordinary to the King.
                           Ruë St. Jacques,
                      at the Sign of the Storks.

                              M DC. XXXV.

                          _BY ROYAL LICENSE._




[iii] Extraict du Priuilege du Roy.


PAR Grace & Priuilege du Roy, il est permis à Sebastien Cramoisy,
Imprimeur o[r]dinaire du Roy, marchand Libraire Iuré en l'Vniuersité
de Paris, d'imprimer ou faire imprimer vn liure intitulé, _Relation
de ce qui s'est passé en la Nouuelle France en l'année mil six cens
trente-quatre, Enuoyée au Reuerend Pere Barthelemy Iaquinot, Prouincial
de la Compagnie de_ IESVS _en la Prouince de France, Par le P. Paul le
Ieune de la mesme Compagnie, Superieur de la Residence de Kebec_: &
cependant le temps & espace de neuf années consecutiues. Auec defenses
à tous Libraires & Imprimeurs d'imprimer ou faire imprimer ledit liure,
sous pretexte de desguisement, ou changement qu'ils y pourroient faire,
à peine de confiscation, & de l'amende portée par ledit Priuilege.
Donné à Paris le 8. Decembre mil six cens trente-quatre.

  Par le Roy en son Conseil,

                                                                VICTON.

    [iii] Extract from the Royal License.

    BY the Grace and License of the King, permission is granted to
    Sebastien Cramoisy. Printer in ordinary to the King, Bookseller
    under Oath in the University of Paris, to print or to have printed
    a book entitled, _Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la Nouvelle
    France en l'année mil six cens trente-quatre, Envoyée au Reverend
    Pere Barthelemy Jaquinot, Provincial de la Compagnie de_ JESUS
    _en la Province de France, Par le P. Paul le Jeune de la mesme
    Compagnie, Superieur de la Residence de Kebec_: and this during
    the time and space of nine consecutive years. Prohibiting all
    Booksellers and Printers to print or to have printed the said
    book, under pretext of any disguise or change which they may make
    therein, under penalty of confiscation and the fine provided by
    said License. Given at Paris, the 8th of December, one thousand six
    hundred thirty-four.

    By the King in Council,

                                                                VICTON.




[1] Relation de ce qvi s'est passé en la Novvelle France svr le Grand
Fleuue de S. Laurens en l'année mil six cens trente-quatre.


MON R. PERE,

Les Lettres de vostre Reuerence, les tesmoignages de son affection pour
la cõuersion de ces peuples, les effets de son amour en nostre endroit,
la venuë de nos Peres qu'il luy a pleu nous enuoyer pour renfort cette
année, les desirs qu'ont vn si grand nombre des nostres de venir en
ces contrées sacrifier leurs vies & leurs trauaux pour la gloire de
Nostre Seigneur: Tout cela ioinct auec le bon succez qu'eurent [2]
les vaisseaux l'an passé à leur retour, & l'heureuse arriuée de ceux
qui sont venus cette année, auec le zele que tesmoignent Messieurs
les associez de la Compagnie de la nouuelle France pour la conuersion
de ces peuples barbares. Tous ces biens ioincts ensemble venãs
fondre tout à coup dans nos grands bois par l'arriuée de Monsieur du
Plessis General de la flotte qui nous met dãs la ioüissance des vns,
& nous apporte les bonnes nouuelles des autres, nous comblent d'vne
consolation si grande, qu'il me seroit bien difficile de la pouuoir
bien expliquer: Dieu en soit beny à iamais, si sa bonté continuë
de se respandre sur ces Messieurs, comme nous l'en prions de toute
l'estenduë de nostre cœur, tant d'ames plongées dans vne nuict d'erreur
qui dure depuis vn si long-temps, verront en fin le iour des veritez
Chrestiennes: Et nostre bon Roy, Monseigneur le Cardinal, Messieurs
les Associez, Monsieur le Marquis de Gamache grand appuy de nostre
Mission & quantité d'autres, par la faueur desquels le Sang du Fils de
Dieu leur sera vn iour appliqué, auront la gloire & le merite d'auoir
contribué à vne si saincte œuure.

    [1] Relation of what occurred in New France on the Great River St.
    Lawrence, in the year one thousand six hundred thirty-four.


    MY REVEREND FATHER,

    The Letters of your Reverence, the evidences of your desire for
    the conversion of these people, the effects of your love for us,
    the coming of our Fathers whom you have been pleased to send this
    year for our reinforcement, the desires of so many of our society
    to come to these countries and sacrifice their lives and their
    labors for the glory of Our Lord: All this, added to the successful
    return of [2] our ships last year, and the fortunate arrival of
    those which have come this year, with the zeal which the Honorable
    associates of the Company of new France show for the conversion
    of these barbarous people,--all these blessings together, pouring
    down at once into our great forests through the arrival of Monsieur
    du Plessis, General of the fleet, who makes possible for us the
    enjoyment of some, and brings us good news of the others, overwhelm
    us with a satisfaction so great that it would be exceedingly
    difficult to express it well. God be forever praised for these
    blessings! If his goodness continues to be bestowed upon these
    Gentlemen, as we pray it may be with all our hearts, many souls
    plunged in a night of error, which has already lasted so long a
    time, will at last see the light of Christian truth. And our good
    King, Monseigneur the Cardinal, the Honorable Associates, the
    Marquis de Gamache,[9] a great supporter of our Mission, and a
    number of others, by whose favor the Blood of the son of God will
    some day be applied to these souls, will have the glory and the
    merit of having contributed to so blessed a work.

[3] Ie distingueray la Relation de ceste année par chapitres, à la fin
desquels ie mettray vn iournal des choses qui n'ont autre liaison que
la suitte du temps auquel elles sont arriuées. Tout ce que ie diray
touchant les Sauuages, ou ie l'ay veu de mes yeux, ou ie l'ay tiré de
la bouche de ceux du pays, nommément d'vn vieillard fort versé dans
leur doctrine, & de quantité d'autres auec lesquels i'ay passé six
mois peu de iours moins, les suiuant dans les bois pour apprendre leur
langue. Il est bien vray que ces peuples n'ont pas tous vne mesme
pensée touchant leur créance, ce qui fera paroistre vn iour de la
contrarieté entre ceux qui traicteront de leurs façons de faire.

    [3] I shall divide the Relation of this year into chapters, at the
    end of which I shall add a journal of things which have no other
    connection than the order of time in which they happened. All that
    I shall say regarding the Savages, I have either seen with my own
    eyes, or have received from the lips of natives, especially from
    an old man very well versed in their beliefs, and from a number of
    others with whom I have passed six months with the exception of a
    few days, following them into the woods to learn their language.
    It is, indeed, true that these people have not all the same idea
    in regard to their belief, which will some day make it appear that
    those who treat of their customs are contradicting each other.




CHAPITRE I.

DES BONS DEPORTEMENS DES FRANÇOIS.


NOUS auons passé cette année dans vne grande paix & dans vne tres-bonne
intelligence auec nos François. La sage conduitte & la prudence de
Monsieur de Champlain Gouuerneur de Kebec [4] & du fleuue sainct
Laurens qui nous honore de sa bien-veillance, retenant vn chacun dans
son deuoir, a fait que nos paroles & nos predicatiõs ayent esté bien
receuës, & la Chappelle qu'il a fait dresser proche du fort à l'honneur
de nostre Dame, a donné vne belle commodité aux François de frequenter
les Sacremens de l'Eglise, ce qu'ils ont fait aux bonnes Festes de
l'année, & plusieurs tous les mois auec vne grande satisfaction de ceux
qui les ont assistez. Le fort a paru vne Academie bien reglée, Monsieur
de Champlain faisant faire lecture à sa table le matin de quelque bon
historien, & le soir de la vie des Saincts; le soir se fait l'examen
de conscience en sa chambre & les prieres en suitte qui se recitent
à genoux. Il fait sonner la salutation Angelique au commencement, au
milieu & à la fin du iour suiuant la coustume de l'Eglise. En vn mot
nous auons subiect de nous consoler voyans vn chef si zelé pour la
gloire de Nostre Seigneur & pour le bien de ces Messieurs.

    CHAPTER I.

    ON THE GOOD CONDUCT OF THE FRENCH.


    WE have passed this year in great peace and on very good terms
    with our French. The wise conduct and prudence of Monsieur de
    Champlain, Governor of Kebec [4] and of the river saint Lawrence,
    who honors us with his good will, holding every one in the path of
    duty, has caused our words and preaching to be well received; and
    the Chapel which he has had erected near the fort, in honor of our
    Lady, has furnished excellent facilities to the French to receive
    the Sacraments of the Church frequently, which they have done on
    the great Feast Days of the year, and many every month, to the
    great satisfaction of those who administered them. The fort has
    seemed like a well-ordered Academy; Monsieur de Champlain has some
    one read at his table, in the morning from some good historian,
    and in the evening from the lives of the Saints; then each one
    makes an examination of his conscience in his own chamber, and
    prayers follow, which are repeated kneeling. He has the Angelus[10]
    sounded at the beginning, in the middle, and at the end of the day,
    according to the custom of the Church. In a word, we have reason to
    console ourselves when we see a chief so zealous for the glory of
    Our Lord and for the welfare of these Gentlemen.

Croiroit-on bien qu'il s'est trouué vn de nos François en Canada
qui pour contrecarrer les dissolutions qui se font ailleurs [5] au
Carnaual, est venu le Mardy gras dernier, pieds & testé nuë sur la
neige & sur la glace depuis Kebec iusques en nostre Chappelle, c'est
à dire vne bonne demie lieuë, ieusnant le mesme iour pour accomplir
vn vœu qu'il auoit fait à Nostre Seigneur, & tout cela sans autres
tesmoings que Dieu & nos Peres qui le rencontrerent.

    Could it be believed that there is one of our Frenchmen in Canada,
    who, to offset the licentiousness which is carried on in other
    places [5] during the Carnival, came on last shrove Tuesday, with
    bare head and feet, over the snow and ice from Kebec all the way to
    our Chapel; that is, a good half league, fasting the same day, to
    fulfill a vow made to Our Lord; and all this was done without any
    other witnesses than God, and our Fathers who met him.

Pendant le sainct temps de Caresme, non seulement l'abstinence des
viandes defenduës & le ieusne s'est gardé, mais aussi tel s'est
trouué qui a fait plus de trente fois la discipline, deuotion bien
extraordinaire aux soldats & aux artisans tels que sont icy la plus
part de nos François.

    During the holy time of Lent, not only abstinence from forbidden
    meats and fasting were observed, but there was a certain one who
    took the discipline more than thirty times,--extraordinary devotion
    in soldiers and artisans, such as are the greater part of our
    Frenchmen here.

Vn autre a promis d'employer en œuures pies la dixiesme partie de tous
les profits qu'il pourra faire pendant tout le cours de sa vie. Ces
petits eschantillons font voir que l'Hyuer n'est pas si rude en la
nouuelle France qu'on n'y puisse recueillir des fleurs du Paradis.

    Another has promised to use the tenth part of the profits he may
    make, during the course of his whole life, in works of piety. These
    little samples show that the Winter in new France is not so severe
    that some flowers of Paradise may not be gathered there.

Ie mettray en ce lieu, ne sçachant où le mieux placer ailleurs, ce
qu'vn de nos François tres-digne de foy & recogneu pour tel, nous a
raconté de Iacques Michel Huguenot qui amena les Anglois en [6] ce
païs cy: Ce miserable la veille de sa mort ayant vomy cõtre Dieu &
contre nostre sainct Pere Ignace mille blasphemes, & s'estant donné
cette imprecation qu'il vouloit estre pendu s'il ne donnoit vne
coupple de soufflets auant la nuict du iour suiuant à vn de nos Peres
qui estoit pris de l'Anglois, vomissant contre luy des iniures fort
messeantes, il fut surpris bien tost apres d'vne maladie qui luy osta
toute cognoissance & le fit mourir le lendemain comme vne beste: Quatre
circonstãces de ce rencontre donnerent de l'estonnement aux Huguenots
mesmes, la maladie qui le prit quelques heures apres ses blasphemes,
l'erreur des Chirurgiens qui estoient en nombre, lesquels donnerent
des remedes soporiferes à vn letargique, son trespas si soudain & sans
cognoissance, expirant sans qu'aucun s'en apperceust quoy qu'il y eust
six hommes aupres de luy, la fureur des Sauuages enuers son corps qui
le deterrerent & le pendirent selon son imprecation, puis le ietterent
aux chiens? Les Anglois qui estoient dans le fort de Kebec ayant sceu
cette histoire tragique, dirent tous estonnez, que si les Iesuites
sçauoient tout cela qu'ils en feroient des miracles.

    I shall insert here, not knowing where better to put it, what one
    of our Frenchmen, quite worthy of credence, and so acknowledged,
    told us about Jacques Michel,[11] a Huguenot, who brought the
    English to [6] this country. This wretch, having upon the eve
    of his death, vomited forth a thousand blasphemies against God
    and against our holy Father Ignatius, and having uttered this
    imprecation, that "he would be hanged if he did not give a couple
    of slaps before the next evening to one of our Fathers who was
    taken by the English," uttering the most unseemly insults against
    him, was soon afterwards overtaken by an illness which bereft him
    of all consciousness, and caused him to die the next day like a
    beast. Four circumstances in this incident astonished the Huguenots
    themselves,--the illness which seized him a few hours after his
    blasphemies; the mistake of the Surgeons, who were numerous, in
    giving soporific remedies to a man in a lethargy; his so sudden and
    unconscious death, expiring without any one perceiving it, although
    there were six men around him; the rage of the Savages against
    his body, which they disinterred and hanged, according to his
    imprecations, and then threw to the dogs. The English, who were in
    the fort at Kebec, having heard this tragic story, were amazed; and
    said that, if the Jesuits knew all that, they would make miracles
    out of it.

[7] Or nous le sçauons maintenant & cependant nous n'en ferons ny
prodiges ny miracles: mais nous dirons seulement qu'il ne fait pas bon
blasphemer contre Dieu ny contre ses saincts, ny se bander contre son
Roy trahissant sa patrie: Mais venons maintenant à nos Sauuages.

    [7] Now, we do know it, and yet we will make neither prodigies nor
    miracles out of it; but we will only say that it is not well to
    blaspheme against God or his saints, nor to strive against one's
    King to betray one's country. But now let us come to our Savages.




CHAPITRE II.

DE LA CONUERSION, DU BAPTESME & DE L'HEUREUSE MORT DE QUELQUES SAUUAGES.


QVELQUES Sauuages se sont faicts Chrestiens cette année, trois ont esté
baptisez cest Hyuer en mon absence, en voicy les particularitez toutes
pleines de consolation que nos Peres m'ont raconté à mon retour.

    CHAPTER II.

    ON THE CONVERSION, BAPTISM, AND HAPPY DEATH OF CERTAIN SAVAGES.


    SOME Savages have become Christians this year; three have been
    baptized this Winter during my absence. Here are the very
    encouraging particulars of these baptisms, which our Fathers
    related to me upon my return.

Le premier estoit vn ieune homme nommé Sasousmat aagé de 25. à 30. ans,
les François le surnommoient Marsolet: Le ieune homme entẽdant vn iour
vn Truchement parler des peines d'Enfer & des recompenses du Paradis,
luy dit, mene [8] moy en France pour estre instruict, autrement tu
respondras de mon ame, donc estant tombé malade il fut plus aisé de
l'induire à se faire Chrestien, le Pere Brebœuf m'a donné de luy ce
memoire.

    The first was a young man named Sasousmat, from 25 to 30 years
    of age, whom the French have surnamed Marsolet. This young man,
    having one day heard an Interpreter talk about the pains of Hell
    and the rewards of Paradise, said to him; "Take [8] me to France
    to be instructed, otherwise thou wilt be responsible for my soul."
    Then, having fallen sick, it was easier to induce him to become a
    Christian. Father Brebœuf gave me this account of him.

"Ayant appris la maladie de ce ieune hõme ie le fus visiter, & le
trouuay si bas qu'il auoit perdu le iugemẽt, nous voila dõc dans vn
regret de ne le pouuoir secourir, ce qui fit prẽdre resolution à nos
Peres & à moy de presenter à Dieu le lendemain le Sacrifice de la Messe
à l'honneur du glorieux S. Ioseph Patron de cette nouuelle France, pour
le salut & conuersion de ce pauure Sauuage: à peine auiõs nous quitté
l'Autel qu'on nous vint aduertir qu'il estoit rentré en son bon sens,
nous le fusmes voir, & l'ayans sondé nous le trouuasmes remply d'vn
grand desir de receuoir le S. Baptesme, nous differasmes neantmoins
quelques iours pour luy donner vne plus grande instruction. En fin il
m'enuoya prier par nostre Sauuage nommé Manitougatche, & surnommé de
nos Frãçois la Nasse que ie l'allasse baptizer, disant que la nuict
precedente il m'auoit veu en dormant venir en sa Cabane pour luy
conferer ce Sacremẽt, & qu'aussi-tost [9] que ie m'estois assis aupres
de luy que rout [tout] son mal s'en estoit allé, ce qu'il me confirma
quand ie le fus voir: ie luy refusay neantmoins ce qu'il demandoit pour
animer dauantage son desir, si bien qu'vn autre Sauuage qui estoit
present ne pouuant souffrir ce retardement, me demanda pourquoy ie ne
le baptizois point puis qu'il ne falloit que ietter vn peu d'eau sur
luy & que s'en estoit fait, mais luy ayant reparty que ie me perdrois
moy mesme si ie baptizois vn infidelle & vn mécreant mal instruict:
le malade se tournant vers vn François, luy dit, Matchounon n'a point
d'esprit, c'est ainsi que s'appelloit cet autre Sauuage, il ne croit
pas ce que dit le Pere, pour moy ie le crois entierement. Sur ces
entrefaites les Sauuages voulans décabaner & tirer plus auãt dans les
bois Manitougatche qui commẽçoit à se trouuer mal, nous vint prier de
le receuoir & le pauure malade aussi en nostre maison, nous prismes
resolution d'auoir soin des corps, pour aider les ames que nous voyons
bien disposées pour le Ciel. On met dõc sur vne traine de bois ce bon
ieune homme, & on nous l'amene sur la neige, nous le receuons auec
amour & [10] l'accommodons le mieux qu'il nous est possible, luy tout
remply d'aise & de contentement de se voir auec nous, tesmoigna vn
grand desir d'estre baptizé, & de mourir Chrestien. Le lẽdemain qui
estoit le 26. de Ianuier estant tombé dans vne grãde syncope nous le
baptizasmes, croyãs qu'il s'en alloit mourir, luy donnans le nom de
François en l'honneur de S. François Xauier, il reuint à soy, & ayant
appris ce qui s'estoit passé, il se monstra plein de ioye d'estre fait
Enfant de Dieu, s'entretenant tousiours iusques à la mort, qui fut deux
iours apres, en diuers actes que ie luy faisois exercer tantost de Foy
& d'Esperance, tantost d'Amour de Dieu & de regret de l'auoir offencé,
il prenoit en cela vn plaisir fort sensible, & recitoit tout seul auec
de grands sentimens ce qu'on luy auoit enseigné, demandant vn iour
pardon à Dieu de ses pechez, il s'accusoit tout haut soymesme comme
s'il se fust confessé, puis la memoire luy manquant, Enseigne moy (me
disoit-il) ie suis vn pauure ignorant, ie n'ay point d'esprit, suggere
moy ce que ie dois dire; vne autre fois il me pria de luy ietter de
l'eau beniste pour l'aider à auoir douleur de ses pechez, [11] cela
m'estonna, car nous ne luy auions pas encores parlé de l'vsage de cette
eau, nous ayant inuité à chanter aupres de luy quelques prieres de
l'Eglise, nous le voyõs pendant ce sainct exercice les yeux esleuez
au Ciel auec vne posture si deuote que nous estions tous attendris,
admirans les grãdes misericordes que Dieu operoit dedans cette ame, qui
en fin quitta son corps fort doucement le 28. de Ianuier pour aller
ioüir de Dieu."

    "Having learned of the illness of this young man, I went to visit
    him, and found him so low that he had lost his reason. Behold us
    now greatly troubled at not being able to help him, and so we
    resolved, our Fathers and I, to offer to God the next day the
    Sacrifice of the Mass in honor of the glorious St. Joseph, Patron
    of this new France, for the salvation and conversion of this poor
    Savage; scarcely had we left the Altar, when they came to tell us
    that he had recovered his senses; we went to see him, and, having
    sounded him, we found him filled with a great desire to receive
    Holy Baptism; we deferred this, however, for a few days, in order
    to instruct him more fully. At last he sent word to me, through our
    Savage named Manitougatche, and surnamed by our French, "la Nasse,"
    that I should come and baptize him, saying that the night before
    he had seen me in his sleep, coming to his Cabin to administer to
    him this Sacrament; and that, as soon [9] as I sat down near him,
    all his sickness went away; he confirmed this to me when I saw him.
    Nevertheless I refused his request, in order the more to stimulate
    his desire, so that another Savage who was present, not being able
    to bear this delay, asked me why I did not baptize him, since it
    was only necessary to throw a little water upon him, and then all
    would be done. But, when I answered him that I would myself be
    lost, if I baptized an infidel and a poorly-taught unbeliever,
    the sick man, turning to a Frenchman, said, 'Matchounon has no
    sense'--it was thus they called the other Savage--'he does not
    believe what the Father says; as for me, I believe it entirely.'
    Meanwhile, the Savages wishing to change their camp and to go
    farther into the woods. Manitougatche, who began to feel ill,
    came to beg us to receive him and the poor sick man also into our
    house: and so we decided to care for the bodies, in order to aid
    the souls, which we saw were well disposed toward Heaven. So this
    worthy young man was placed upon a wooden sledge, and brought to
    us over the snow. We received him with love, and [10] made him as
    comfortable as we could. He was fall of gladness and satisfaction
    to see himself with us, evincing a great desire to be baptized and
    to die a Christian. The next day, which was the 26th of January,
    as he had fallen into a deep stupor, we baptized him, believing
    that he was going to die. We gave him the name François, in honor
    of St. François Xavier. He regained consciousness, and, having
    learned what had taken place, expressed his joy at having been made
    a Child of God. He passed his time constantly until his death,
    which was two days later, in different acts that I caused him to
    practice, sometimes of Faith and Hope, sometimes of the Love of
    God, and of remorse for having offended him. He took a very obvious
    pleasure in this, and repeated all alone with deep feeling what
    had been taught him. One day, while he was asking pardon of God
    for his sins, he accused himself aloud, as if he were making his
    confession: then, his memory failing (he said to me): 'Teach me; I
    am a poor ignorant creature, I have no understanding; suggest to me
    what I ought to say.' Another time he begged me to sprinkle some
    holy water upon him, to help him to be sorry for his sins. [11] I
    was surprised at this, for we had not yet spoken to him of the use
    of this water; when, at his request, we sang some prayers of the
    Church in his presence, we saw him during this holy service with
    eyes raised toward Heaven in an attitude of such devotion that we
    were all greatly touched, admiring the wonderful effects of mercy
    that God was bringing about in this soul, which finally left the
    body on the 28th of January, to go and enjoy God."

Quand la nouuelle de sa conuersion & de sa mort fut sceuë de nos
François à Kebec, il y en eut qui ietterent des larmes de ioye & de
contentemens, benissans Dieu de ce qu'il acceptoit les premices d'vne
terre qui n'a presque porté que des espines depuis la naissance des
siecles.

    When the news of his conversion and death became known to our
    French at Kebec, some of them shed tears of joy and satisfaction,
    blessing God for accepting the first fruits of a land which has
    borne little else than thorns since the birth of the centuries.

Il arriua vne chose biẽ remarquable peu d'heures apres sa mort,
vne grãde lumiere parut aux fenestres de nostre maison, s'éleuant
& s'abbaissant par trois fois, l'vn de nos Peres vid cét esclat, &
plusieurs de nos hommes qui sortirent incontinent, les vns pour voir
si le feu n'estoit point pris en quelque endroit de la maison, les
autres pour voir s'il esclairoit, n'ayans trouué aucun vestige de cette
flamme ils creurent [12] que Dieu declaroit par ce prodige la lumiere
dont ioüissoit cette ame qui nous venoit de quitter. Les Sauuages de la
Cabane du defunct virent dans les bois où ils s'estoient retirez cette
lumiere, ce qui les espouuenta d'autant plus qu'ils creurent que ce feu
estoit vn presage d'vne future mortalité en leur famille.

    One quite remarkable thing happened a few hours after his death.
    A great light appeared at the windows of our house, rising and
    falling three times; one of our Fathers saw the flash, as did
    several of our men, who went out immediately, some to see if a
    part of our house had not taken fire, the others to see if it were
    lightning. Having found no trace of this fire, they believed [12]
    that God was declaring through this phenomenon the light that
    was being enjoyed by the soul that had just left us. The Savages
    belonging to the Cabin of the deceased saw this light in the woods,
    where they had withdrawn, and it frightened them all the more as
    they thought it was a foreshadowing of future deaths in their
    family.

I'estois pour lors (moy qui escris cecy) à quelques quarante lieuës de
Kebec dãs la cabane des freres du defunct, cette lumiere s'y fit voir
à mesme temps & à mesme heure, comme nous l'auons remarqué; depuis
le Pere Brebœuf & moy confrontans nos memoires, & mon hoste frere du
trespassé l'ayant apperceuë sortit dehors tout espouuanté, & la voyant
redoubler s'escria d'vne voix si estonnante, que tous les Sauuages &
moy auec eux sortismes de nos cabanes: ayant trouué mon hoste tout
esperdu ie luy voulus dire que ce feu n'estoit qu'vn esclair, &
qu'il ne falloit pas s'espouuanter, il me repartit fort à propos que
l'esclair paroissoit & disparoissoit en vn moment, mais que cette flãme
s'estoit pourmenée deuant ses yeux quelque espace de tẽps: de plus,
as-tu iamais veu, me dit-il, esclairer ou tonner dans vu froid si [13]
cuisant comme est celuy que nous ressentons maintenãt? Il est vray
qu'il faisoit fort froid, ie luy demanday ce qu'il croyoit dõc de ces
feux, c'est, me fit-il, vn mauuais augure, c'est, vn signe de mort il
m'adiousta que le Manitou ou le diable se repaissoit de ces flammes.

    I was then (I who am writing this) some forty leagues from Kebec,
    in the cabin of the brothers of the dead man; and this light
    appeared there at the same time and at the same hour, as we have
    since observed, Father Brebœuf and I, by comparing our notes. My
    host, brother of the deceased, having perceived it, rushed out in
    horror; and, seeing it repeated, cried out in such astonishment,
    that all the Savages, and I with them, rushed out of our cabins.
    Having found my host all distracted, I tried to tell him that this
    fire was only lightning, and that he need not be frightened; he
    answered me very aptly that lightning appeared and disappeared in
    an instant, but that this fire had moved before his eyes for some
    time. "Besides" said he to me, "hast thou ever seen lightning or
    thunder in such piercing [13] cold as that which we are feeling
    now?" It was indeed very cold. I asked him then what he thought of
    these fires. "It is" he said, "a bad omen, it is a sign of death."
    He added that the Manitou, or devil, fed upon these flames.

Pour retourner à nostre bien-heureux defunct, nos Peres l'enterrerent
le plus solemnellemẽt qu'il leur fut possible, nos François s'y
trouuans auec beaucoup de deuotiõ. Manitougatche nostre Sauuage ayant
veu tout cecy en outre, considerant que nous ne voulions rien prendre
des hardes ou des robbes du trespassé, lesquelles il nous offroit, il
resta si edifié & si estonné qu'il s'en alloit par les cabanes des
Sauuages, qui vindrent bien-tost apres à Kebec, raconter tout ce qu'il
auoit veu, disant que nous auions donné toute la meilleure nourriture
que nous eussions à ce pauure ieune homme que nous en auions eu vn soin
cõme s'il eust esté nostre frere, que nous nous estions incommodez
pour le loger, que nous n'auions rien voulu prendre de ce qui luy
appartenoit, que nous l'auiõs enterré auec beaucoup d'hõneur. Cela en
toucha si biẽ quelques-vns, [14] notãment de sa famille, qu'ils nous
amenerent sa fille morte en trauail d'enfant pour l'enterrer à nostre
façon, mais le P. Brebœuf les rencontrant leur dit, que n'ayãt pas
esté baptizée nous ne la pouuiõs mettre dans le Cimetiere des enfans de
Dieu. De plus sçachant qu'ils font ordinairement mourir l'enfant quand
la mere le laisse si ieune, croyans qu'il ne fera que languir apres son
deceds, le Pere pria Manitouchatche d'obuier à cette cruauté, ce qu'il
fit volontiers, quoy que quelques-vns de nos François estoient desia
resolus de s'en charger au cas qu'on luy voulust oster la vie.

    To return to our happy deceased. Our Fathers buried him with as
    much solemnity as they could, our Frenchmen being present and
    showing great devotion. Manitougatche, our Savage, having seen all
    this, and also observing that we did not wish to accept any of the
    belongings or clothes of the deceased, which he offered us, was
    so pleased and astonished that he went about among the cabins of
    the Savages who came soon afterward to Kebec, relating all that he
    had seen,--saying, that we had given the best food we had to this
    poor young man, that we had nursed him as if he had been our own
    brother, that we had inconvenienced ourselves in order to give him
    a lodging, that we had not consented to take anything that belonged
    to him, and that we had buried him with a great deal of honor. Some
    of them were so touched by this, [14] especially his own family,
    that they brought us his daughter, who had died in childbirth, to
    bury her in our way; but Father Brebœuf, meeting them, told them
    that, as she had never been baptized, we could not put her in the
    Cemetery of the children of God. Besides, knowing that they usually
    kill the child when its mother leaves it so young, thinking that
    it will languish after her death, the Father begged Manitouchatche
    to prevent this cruel act, which he did willingly; although some
    of our French People had determined to take charge of the child
    themselves, if a disposition were manifested to kill it.

Le second Sauuage baptizé a esté nostre Manitouchatche autrement la
Nasse, i'en ay parlé dans mes Relations precedentes, il s'estoit
comme habitué aupres de nous auant la prise du païs par les Anglois,
commençant à defricher & à cultiuer la terre, le mauuais traictement
qu'il receut de ces nouueaux hostes l'ayãt esloigné de Kebec, il
tesmoignoit par fois à Madame Hebert qui resta icy auec toute sa
famille qu'il souhaittoit grandement nostre retour. Et de fait si tost
qu'il sceut nostre venuë il nous vint voir, & se cabana [15] tout
aupres de nostre maison, disant qu'il se vouloit faire Chrestien, nous
asseurant qu'il ne nous quitteroit point si nous ne le chassions, aussi
ne s'est-il pas beaucoup absenté depuis que nous sommes icy, cette
communication luy a fait conceuoir quelque chose de nos mysteres.
Le seiour qu'a fait en nostre maison Pierre Antoine le Sauuage son
parent luy a seruy, d'autant que nous luy auõs declaré par sa bouche
les principaux articles de nostre creance. O que les iugemens de Dieu
sont pleins d'abismes! Ce miserable ieune homme qui a esté si bien
instruict en France s'estant perdu parmy les Anglois, comme i'escriuis
l'an passé, est deuenu apostat, renegat, excommunié, athée, valet d'vn
Sorcier qui est son frere: Ce sont les qualitez que ie luy donneray cy
apres parlant de luy: & ce pauure vieillard qui a tiré de sa bouche
infectée les veritez du Ciel, a trouué le Ciel, laissant l'Enfer pour
partage à ce renegat, si Dieu ne luy fait de grandes misericordes:
Mais suiuans nostre route, apres la mort de Frãçois Sasousmat dont
nous venons de parler, ce bon homme ennuyé de n'auoir auec qui
s'entretenir: car pas vn de nous ne sçait [16] encores parfaictement
la langue, se retira auec sa femme & auec ses enfans, mais la maladie
dont il estoit desia attaqué, s'augmentant, il presse sa femme & ses
enfans de le ramener auec nous, esperant la mesme charité qu'il auoit
veu exercer enuers son compatriote, on le receut à bras ouuerts, ce
qu'ayant apperceu, il s'escria, ie mourray maintenant content puis
que ie suis auec vous. Or comme ses erreurs auoient vieilly auec
luy, nos Peres recogneurent qu'il pensoit autant & plus à la santé
de son corps qu'au salut de son ame, tesmoignant vn grand desir de
viure, remettant son Baptesme iusques à mon retour, neantmoins comme
il s'alloit affoiblissant ils souhaitterent de le voir vn petit plus
affectiõné à nostre creance, ce qui les incita d'offrir à Dieu vne
neufuaine à l'hõneur du glorieux Espoux de la saincte Vierge pour le
bien de son ame, le cõmencement de cette deuotion fut le commencement
de ses volontez plus ardantes, il se monstra fort desireux d'estre
instruit commençant à mespriser ses superstitions, il ne voulut plus
dormir qu'il n'eust au prealable prié Dieu, ce qu'il faisoit encores
deuant & apres sa refection, [17] si bien qu'il differa vne fois plus
de demie-heure à mãger ce qu'õ luy auoit presenté, pource qu'on ne
luy auoit pas fait faire la benediction, demandant au Pere Brebœuf
qu'il luy fist dire douze ou treize fois de suitte pour la grauer en
sa memoire. C'estoit vn contentement plein d'edification, de voir vn
vieillard de plus de soixante ans, apprendre d'vn petit François que
nous auons icy, à faire le signe de la Croix, & autres prieres qu'il
luy demandoit. Le Pere Brebœuf voyant que ses forces se diminuoient,
& que d'ailleurs il estoit assez instruict, luy dit que sa mort
approchoit, & que s'il vouloit mourir Chrestien, & aller au Ciel, qu'il
falloit estre baptisé. A ces paroles il se monstra si ioyeux qu'il
se traisna luy mesme comme il peut en nostre chapelle, ne pouuant
attendre que les Peres qui preparoient ce qu'il falloit pour conferer
ce Sacrement le vinssent querir: vn de nos François, son Parrain, luy
donna le nom de Ioseph. Deuant & pendant son baptesme, qui fut le
troisiéme d'Auril, le Pere l'interrogeant sommairement sur tous les
[18] articles du Symbole, & sur les commandemens de Dieu, il respondit
nettement & courageusemẽt qu'il croyoit les vns, & s'efforceroit de
garder les autres si Dieu luy rendoit la santé, monstrant de grands
regrets de l'auoir offensé: sa femme & l'vne de ses filles estoient
presentes, celle-là ne pouuoit tenir les larmes & l'autre se monstroit,
toute estonnée, admirant la beauté des sainctes ceremonies de l'Eglise.

    The second Savage to be baptized was our Manitouchatche, otherwise,
    la Nasse, of whom I have spoken in my former Relations. He had
    begun to get accustomed to our ways before the capture of the
    country by the English, having commenced to clear and cultivate
    the land; the bad treatment he received from these new guests drove
    him away from Kebec; he sometimes expressed to Madame Hebert,
    who remained here with her whole family, his strong desire for
    our return. And, in fact, as soon as he heard of our arrival, he
    came to see us, and settled [15] near our house, saying that he
    wished to become a Christian, and assuring us that he would not
    leave us unless we chased him away; indeed he has been away from
    us very little since we have been here. This intercourse has made
    him understand something of our mysteries. The sojourn made in our
    house by Pierre Antoine,[12] a Savage and a relative of his, has
    been of use to him, inasmuch as we have declared to him through
    his lips the principal articles of our faith. Oh, how unfathomable
    are the judgments of God! This wretched young man, who was so well
    instructed in France, having been ruined among the English, as I
    wrote last year, has become an apostate, renegade, excommunicate,
    atheist, and servant to a Sorcerer who is his brother. These are
    the qualities which I shall assign to him hereafter when speaking
    of him. And this poor old man, who has received from his infected
    lips the truths of Heaven, has found Heaven, leaving Hell as the
    heritage of this renegade, unless God shows him great mercy. But,
    continuing our story: after the death of François Sasousmat, of
    whom we have just spoken, this good man, wearied at not having
    any one with whom to converse,--for not one of us yet [16] knows
    the language perfectly,--went away with his wife and children;
    but, the disease with which he was already affected increasing, he
    urged his wife and children to bring him back to us, hoping for the
    same charity he had seen us practice toward his fellow-savage.
    He was received with open arms, perceiving which, he cried out,
    "Now I shall die happy, since I am with you!" But as his errors
    had grown old with him, our Fathers recognized that he thought as
    much and even more of the health of his body than of the Salvation
    of his soul, showing a great desire to live, and putting off his
    Baptism until my return; nevertheless, as he was continually
    growing weaker, they wished to see him show more interest in our
    belief; this induced them to offer to God a novena in honor of
    the glorious Spouse of the holy Virgin, for the welfare of his
    soul. The beginning of this devotion was the beginning of more
    earnest inclination on his part; he showed himself very desirous
    of being instructed, and began to despise his superstitions. He
    would no more go to sleep unless he had first prayed to God, which
    he did also before and after eating,--[17] to such an extent that
    he once deferred, for more than half an hour, eating what had
    been presented to him, because they had not had him offer the
    benediction, asking Father Brebœuf to have him say it twelve or
    thirteen times in succession, to engrave it upon his memory. It was
    very edifying to see an old man more than sixty years of age learn
    from a little French boy, whom we have here, to make the sign of
    the Cross, and other prayers that he asked to be taught. Father
    Brebœuf, seeing that his strength was failing, and also that he was
    well enough instructed, told him that death was approaching; and
    that, if he wished to die a Christian and go to Heaven, he must
    be baptized. At these words he showed such joy that he dragged
    himself as well as he could to our chapel, not being able to wait
    until our Fathers, who were making the necessary arrangements
    for administering this Sacrament, could go after him. One of our
    Frenchmen, his Godfather, gave him the name Joseph. Before and
    during his baptism, which took place on the third of April, the
    Father examining him briefly upon all the [18] articles of the
    Creed, and upon the commandments of God, he answered clearly and
    courageously that he believed the former, and would endeavor to
    keep the latter if God would restore him his health, and showed
    great regret for having offended him. His wife and one of his
    daughters being present, the one could not keep back her tears, and
    the other was greatly bewildered, admiring the beauty of the holy
    ceremonies of the Church.

Ie retournay de mon hyuernement d'auec les Sauuages, six iours apres
son baptesme, ie le trouuay bien malade, mais bien content d'estre
Chrestien. Ie l'embrassay comme mon frere, bien resioüy de le voir
enfant de Dieu, nous continuasmes de l'instruire, & de luy faire
exercer des actes des vertus, notamment Theologales, pendant l'espace
de douze iours, qu'il suruescut apres son baptesme.

    I returned from my winter sojourn with the Savages, six days
    after his baptism, and found him very sick, but very glad to be
    a Christian. I embraced him like a brother, greatly rejoiced at
    seeing him a child of God. We continued to teach him and to have
    him practice acts of virtue, especially the Theological Virtues
    [faith, hope, and charity], during the twelve days that he survived
    his baptism.

Les Sauuages desirans le penser à leur mode auec leurs chants, auec
leurs tintamarres, & auec leurs autres supersti[ti]ons, tascherent
plusieurs fois de nous l'enleuer iusques là, qu'ils amenerent vne
traine pour le reporter, & l'vn de [19] leurs sorciers ou iongleurs
le vint voir exprés pour le débaucher de nostre creance: mais le bon
Neophyte tint ferme, respondant qu'on ne luy parlast plus de s'en
aller, & qu'il ne nous quitteroit point, que nous ne l'enuoyassiõs.
Ce n'est pas vne petite marque de l'efficacité de la grace du sainct
Baptesme, de voir vn homme nourry depuis soixante ans & plus, dedans
la Barbarie, habitué aux façons de faire des Sauuages, imbu de leurs
erreurs & de leurs resueries, resister à sa propre femme, à ses
enfans, & à ses gendres, & à ses amis & à ses compatriotes, à ses
_Manitousiouets_, sorciers ou iongleurs, non vne fois, mais plusieurs
pour se ietter entre les bras de quelques estrangers, protestant qu'il
veut embrasser leur creance, mourir en leur Foy & dedans leur maison.
Cela fait voir que la grace peut donner du poids à l'ame d'vn Sauuage
naturellement inconstante.

    The Savages, wishing to care for him in their way, with their
    songs, their uproar, and their other superstitions, tried several
    times to take him away from us, even going so far as to bring
    a sledge upon which to take him back, and one of [19] their
    sorcerers or jugglers came to see him, for the express purpose
    of enticing him away from our belief; but the good Neophyte held
    firm, answering that they should not speak to him about going
    away, and that he would not leave us unless we sent him away. It
    is no slight indication of the efficacy of the grace of holy
    Baptism, to see a man who had been steeped for over sixty years in
    Barbarism, accustomed to all the ways of the Savages, imbued with
    their errors and with their illusions, resist his own wife, his
    children, his sons-in-law, his friends and his fellow-savages, his
    _Manitousiouets_, sorcerers or jugglers, not once but many times,
    to throw himself into the arms of strangers, protesting that he
    wished to embrace their belief, to die in their Faith and in their
    house. This shows that grace can give stability to the soul of a
    Savage, who is by nature inconstant.

En fin, apres auoir instruit nostre bon Ioseph du Sacrement de
l'Extreme-Onction, nous luy conferasmes, & iustement le Samedy Sainct
son ame partit de son corps, pour s'en aller celebrer [20] la feste
de Pasques au Ciel. L'vn de ses gendres l'ayant veu fort bas, estoit
demeuré aupres de luy pour voir comme nous l'enseuelirions apres sa
mort, desirant qu'on luy donnast vne Castelogne & son petunoir, pour
s'en seruir en l'autre monde: mais comme il alloit porter la nouuelle
de cette mort à la femme du deffunct, nous l'enseuelismes à la fàçon
de l'Eglise Catholique, honorant ses obseques le mieux qu'il nous fut
possible. Monsieur de Champlain pour tesmoigner l'amour & l'honneur que
nous portons à ceux qui meurent Chrestiens, fist quitter le trauail à
ses gens, & nous les enuoya pour assister à l'office, nous gardasmes
le plus exactement qu'il nous fut possible les ceremonies de l'Eglise,
ce qui agrea infiniment aux parens de ce nouueau Chrestien; vne chose
neantmoins leur depleut quand on vint à mettre le corps dans la fosse,
ils s'apperceurent qu'il y auoit vn peu d'eauë au fonds, à raison que
les neiges se fondoient pour lors & degouttoient là dedans, cela leur
frappa l'imagination, & comme ils sont [21] superstitieux les attrista
vn petit. Cet erreur ne sera pas difficile à combatre quand on sçaura
bien leur langue; voila à mon aduis les premiers des Sauuages adultes
baptisez, & morts constans en la foy dans ces contrées.

    Finally, after having instructed our good Joseph in the Sacrament
    of Extreme Unction, we administered it to him; and on that very
    day, Holy Saturday, his soul left the body and went to celebrate
    [20] Easter in Heaven. One of his sons-in-law, when he saw him very
    low, remained near him to see how we would bury him after death,
    wishing us to give him his Castelogne [blanket] and his tobacco
    pouch, for use in the other world; but, when he went to carry the
    news of this death to the wife of the deceased, we buried the
    latter according to the custom of the Catholic Church, showing
    as much honor as we could in the funeral ceremonies. Monsieur de
    Champlain, in order to give proof of the love and honor we bear
    those who die in the Christian Faith, had his people leave their
    work, and sent them to us to attend the services; we followed as
    closely as possible the ceremonies of the Church, which was very
    acceptable to the relatives of this new Christian. There was one
    thing, however, which displeased them; when we came to put the body
    in the grave, they noticed that there was a little water in the
    bottom, caused by the snow melting just then and dropping into it;
    this struck their imagination, and as they are [21] superstitious,
    saddened them a little. It will not be difficult to combat such
    errors, when we know their language well. These are, as far as I
    know, the first adult Savages in these countries who have been
    baptized and died firm in the faith.

Le troisiesme Sauuage baptisé cette année, estoit vn enfant âgé de
trois à quatre mois seulement, son Pere estant en cholere contre sa
femme, fille de nostre bon Ioseph, soit pource qu'elle le vouloit
quitter, ou qu'il estoit touché de quelque ialousie, il print l'enfant
& le ietta contre terre pour l'assommer: Vn de nos François suruenant
là dessus, & se souuenant que nous leurs auions recommandé de conferer
le Baptesme aux enfans qu'ils verroient en danger de mort, au cas
qu'ils ne nous peussent appeller, il prit de l'eauë & le baptiza: ce
pauure petit neantmoins ne mourut pas du coup, sa mere le reprit &
l'emporta auec soy dans les Isles quittant son mary, qui nous a dit
depuis qu'il croit que son fils est mort, sa mere estant tombée dans
vne maladie qu'il iuge mortelle.

    The third Savage baptized this year was a child only three or four
    months old: the Father, being angry at his wife, daughter of our
    good Joseph, either because she wanted to leave him, or because he
    had a touch of jealousy, took the child and threw it against the
    ground, to kill it. One of our Frenchmen happening along just then,
    and remembering that we had recommended them to administer Baptism
    to children whom they saw in danger of death, in case they could
    not call us took some water and baptized it; this poor little child
    did not die immediately, however; its mother took it and carried it
    away with her to the Islands, leaving her husband, who has since
    told us that he believes his child is dead, as its mother had been
    taken with a disease which he thought was mortal.

Le quatriesme estoit fils d'vn Sauuage [22] nommé Khiouirineou, sa
mere s'appelloit Ouitapimoueou, ils auoiẽt donné nom à leur petit
Itaouabisisiou ses parens me promirent qu'ils nous l'apporteroient pour
l'enterrer en nostre cimetiere au cas qu'il mourut, & qu'ils nous le
donneroient pour l'instruire s'il guerissoit, car il estoit malade,
faisans ainsi paroistre le contentement qu'ils auoient que leur petit
fils receut le sainct Baptesme: Ie le baptisay donc, & luy donnay le
nom de Iean Baptiste, ce iour estant l'octaue de ce grand Sainct. Le
sieur du Chesne Chirurgien de l'habitation, qui vient volontiers auec
moy par les Cabanes, pour nous aduertir de ceux qu'il iuge en danger de
mort fut son parrain.

    The fourth was the son of a Savage [22] named Khiouirineou, the
    mother's name was Ouitapimoueou, and they had named their little
    child Itaouabisisiou. His parents had promised me that they would
    bring him to us to be buried in our cemetery, if he died; and, if
    he recovered,--for he was very sick,--they would give him to us to
    be educated, thus showing their satisfaction that their little son
    should receive holy Baptism. So I baptized him and gave him the
    name Jean Baptiste, that day being the octave of this great Saint.
    Sieur du Chesne, Surgeon of the colony, who willingly comes with
    me through the Cabins, to advise us of those whom he considers in
    danger of death, was his godfather.

Le cinquiesme fut baptizé le mesme iour, son Pere auoit tesmoigné au
sieur Oliuier truchement, qu'il eut bien voulu qu'on eust fait à son
fils ce qu'on fait aux petits enfans François, c'est à dire qu'on
l'eust baptizé, le sieur Oliuier m'en ayant donné aduis i'allay voir
l'enfant, ie differay le baptesme pour quelques iours, le trouuant
encore plein de vie; en fin le P. Buteux & [23] moy l'estans retournez
voir, nous appellasmes Monsieur du Chesne, qui nous dit que l'enfant
estoit bien mal. ie demanday à son Pere s'il seroit content qu'on
le baptizât, tres-cõtent (fit-il,) s'il meurt ie le porteray en ta
maison, s'il retourne en santé il sera ton fils, & tu l'instruiras.
Ie le nommé Adrian du nom de son Parrain, il se nommoit auparauant
Pichichich, son Pere est surnommé des François Baptiscan, il s'appelle
en Sauuage Tchimaouirineou, sa mere Matouetchiouanouecoueou. Ce pauure
petit âgé d'enuiron 8. mois s'enuola au Ciel, la nuict suiuante son
Pere ne manqua pas d'apporter son corps, amenant auec soy dix-huict
ou vingt Sauuages, hommes, femmes & enfans, ils l'auoient enueloppé
dans des peaux de Castor, & pardessus d'vn grand drap de toile, qu'ils
auoient achepté au magazin, & encore pardessus d'vne grande escorce
redoublée. Ie déueloppay ce pacquet, pour voir si l'enfant estoit
dedans, puis ie le mis dans vn cercueil que nous luy fismes faire, ce
qui agrea merueilleusement aux Sauuages: car ils croyent que l'ame [24]
de l'enfant se doit seruir en l'autre monde de l'ame, de toutes les
choses qu'on luy donne à son depart, ie leur dis bien que cette ame
estoit maintenant dedans le Ciel, & qu'elle n'auoit que faire de toutes
ces pauuretez neãtmoins nous les laissasmes faire, de peur que si nous
les eussions voulu empescher, ce que i'aurois peu faire, (car le Pere
chanceloit defia,) les autres ne nous permissent pas de baptizer leurs
enfans quand ils seroient malades, où du moins ne les apportassent
point apres leur mort. Ces pauures gens furent rauis, voyants cinq
Prestres reuestus de surplis honorer ce petit ange Canadien, chantant
ce qui est ordonné par l'Eglise, couurans son cercueil d'vn beau
parement, & le parsemant de fleurs: nous l'enterrasmes auec toute la
solemnité qui nous fut possible.

    The fifth was baptized the same day. His Father made known to
    sieur Olivier, the interpreter,[13] that he would be very glad if
    they would do to his son what was done to little French children;
    meaning that they should baptize him. Having been informed of this
    by sieur Olivier, I went to see the child, but deferred baptism
    for a few days, as the child was still full of vitality. At last,
    Father Buteux and [23] I, having gone to see him, called Monsieur
    du Chesne, who told us that the child was very sick. I asked his
    Father if he would like to have us baptize him. "I should be very
    glad" (he answered); "if he dies, I will carry him to thy house;
    if he recovers, he shall be thy son, and thou shalt instruct
    him." I named him Adrian, after his Godfather; before this he was
    called Pichichich; his Father has been surnamed by the French
    Baptiscan,--he was called, in Savage, Tchimaouirineou, his mother
    Matouetchiouanouecoueou. This poor little child of about eight
    months flew away to Heaven. The following night, his Father did not
    fail to bring the body, having with him eighteen or twenty Savages,
    men, women, and children. They had wrapped it in Beaver skins,
    and over that was a large piece of linen cloth, which they had
    bought at the store, and over all a great double piece of bark. I
    unrolled the parcel to see if the child was inside; then I laid it
    in a coffin which we had made for it, and this pleased the Savages
    wonderfully, for they believe that the soul [24] of the child will
    use in the other world of souls all the things that have been
    given to it at its departure. I told them indeed that the soul
    was now in Heaven, and that it had no concern whatever with these
    trifling things. Nevertheless we let them go on, for fear that, if
    we tried to prevent them,--which I might have done (for the Father
    already wavered)--the others would not permit us to baptize their
    children when they were sick, or at least would not call us after
    they died. These simple people were enchanted, seeing five Priests
    in surplices honoring this little Canadian angel, chanting what
    is ordained by the Church, covering the coffin with a beautiful
    pall, and strewing it with flowers. We buried him with all possible
    solemnity.

Tous les Sauuages assistoient à toutes les ceremonies, quand ce vint à
le mettre en la fosse, sa mere y mit son berceau auec luy & quelques
autres hardes selon leur coustume, & bien-tost apres tira de son laict
dans vne petite [25] escuelle d'escorce qu'elle brusla sur l'heure
mesme. Ie demanday pourquoy elle faisoit cela, vne femme me repartit,
qu'elle donnoit à boire à l'enfant, dont l'ame beuuoit de ce laict. Ie
l'instruisis là dessus, mais ie parle encores si peu qu'à peine me pût
elle entendre.

    All the Savages were present during the entire ceremony. When it
    came to lowering him into the grave, his mother placed his cradle
    therein, with a few other things, according to their custom; and
    soon after she drew some of her milk in a little [25] bark ladle,
    which she burned immediately. I asked why this was done, and a
    woman answered me that she was giving drink to the child, whose
    soul was drinking this milk. I instructed her upon this point,
    but I still speak the language so poorly that I scarcely made her
    understand me.

Apres l'enterrement nous fismes le festin des morts, donnans à manger
de la farine de bled d'Inde, meslée de quelques pruneaux à ces bonnes
gens, pour les induire à nous appeller quand eux ou leurs enfans seront
malades. Bref ils s'en retournerent auec fort grande satisfaction,
comme ils firent paroistre pour lors, & particulierement deux iours
apres.

    After the burial we had the funeral feast, giving some Indian
    cornmeal mixed with prunes to these simple people, to induce them
    to call upon us when they or their children were sick. In short,
    they went away very much pleased, as they showed us then, and more
    particularly two days later.

Le Pere Buteux retournant de dire la Messe de l'habitation, comme il
visitoit les Cabanes des Sauuages, il rencontra le corps mort du petit
Iean Baptiste qu'on enueloppoit comme l'autre, ses parents, quoy que
malades, luy promirent de l'apporter chés nous. On m'a desia fait
recit (dit la mere) de l'honneur & du bon traictement que vous faictes
à nos enfans, mais ie ne [26] veux point qu'on deueloppe le mien. Là
dessus le Pere du premier trespassé luy dist, on ne fait point de mal à
l'enfant on ne luy oste point ses robbes, on regarde seulement s'il est
dedans le pacquet, & si nous ne sommes point trompeurs, elle acquiesça
& presenta son fils pour estre porté dans nostre Chapelle, dans
laquelle le Pere Buteux nous l'amena en la compagnie de ses parens &
des autres Sauuages; nous l'enterrasmes auec les mesmes ceremonies que
l'autre, & eux luy donnerent aussi ses petits meubles pour passer en
l'autre monde, nous fismes encores le festin qu'ils font à la mort de
leurs gens, bien ioyeux de voir ce peuple s'affectionner petit à petit,
aux sainctes actions de l'Eglise Chrestienne & Catholique.

    Father Buteux, as he was visiting the Cabins of the Savages on his
    return from saying Mass at the settlement, saw the dead body of
    little Jean Baptiste, which they were wrapping up like the other.
    His parents, although sick, promised to bring him to us. "They
    have already told me," (said the mother) "of the honor and kind
    treatment you show to our children, but I do not [26] wish mine
    to be unrolled." Thereupon, the Father of the one who had died
    first said to her, "They do no harm to the child; they do not take
    off any of its clothes; they only look to see if it is inside
    the parcel, and if we are deceiving them." She acquiesced, and
    presented her son to be carried into our Chapel, into which Father
    Buteux brought him to us, together with his relatives and other
    Savages. We buried him with the same ceremonies as the other, and
    they gave him also his belongings, to pass with him into the other
    world. We again held the feast that is made at the death of their
    people, very happy to see them, little by little, acquiring an
    affection for the holy offices of the Christian and Catholic Church.

Le quatorziesme de Iuillet ie baptizay le sixiesme, c'estoit vne petite
Algonquine aagée d'enuiron vn an, ie ne l'eusse pas si tost fait
Chrestienne, n'estoit qui ses parens s'en vouloient aller vers leur
pays. Or iugeant auec Monsieur du Chesne, que cet enfant trauaillé
d'vne fieure ethique, estoit en [27] danger de mort, ie luy conferay
ce Sacrement, elle fut appellée Marguerite, on la nommoit en Sauuage
_Memichtigouchiouiscoueou_, c'[e]st à dire, femme d'vn European, son
Pere se nomme en Algonquain _Pichibabich_, c'est à dire Pierre, & sa
mere Chichip, c'est à dire vn Canard, ils m'ont promis que si cette
pauure petite recouure sa santé qu'ils me l'apporteroient, pour la
mettre entre les mains de l'vne de nos Françoises, comme ce peuple est
errant, ie ne sçai maintenant où elle est, ie crois qu'elle n'est pas
loing du Paradis, si elle n'y est desia.

    On the fourteenth of July, I baptized the sixth, a little Algonquin
    girl about a year old. I would not have made this child a Christian
    so soon, had it not been that its parents wished to go to their own
    country. Now, believing with Monsieur du Chesne that this child,
    who was suffering from hectic fever, was in [27] danger of death, I
    administered this Sacrament. She was called Marguerite; her Savage
    name was _Memichtigouchiouiscoueou_, meaning, "wife of a European;"
    her Father was called in Algonquain, _Pichibabich_, that is to
    say, "Stone," and her mother Chichip, meaning "a Duck." They have
    promised me that if this poor little child recovers its health,
    they will bring it to me, to be placed in the hands of one of our
    French Women. As this is a wandering tribe, I do not know now where
    she is; but I believe she is not far from Paradise, if she is not
    already there.

La septiesme personne que nous auons mis au nombre des enfans de Dieu,
par le Sacrement de Baptesme, c'est la mere du petit Sauuage, que nous
auions nommé bien-venu; elle s'appelloit en Sauuage _Ouroutiuoucoueu_,
& maintenant on l'appelle Marie, ce beau nom luy a esté donné, suiuant
le vœu qu'auoit fait autresfois le R. Pere Charles l'Allement, que
la premiere Canadienne que nous baptizerions, porteroit le nom de la
saincte Vierge, & le premier Sauuage, celuy de [28] de son glorieux
Espoux sainct Ioseph, nous n'auions point cognoissance de ce vœu,
quand les autres ont esté baptizés. I'espere que dans fort peu de
iours il sera entierement accomply: mais pour retourner à nostre
nouuelle Chrestienne, l'ayant trouuée proche du fort de nos François,
abandonnée de ses gens, pource qu'elle estoit malade, ie luy demanday
qui la nourrissoit, elle me respondit que les François luy donnoient
quelque morceau de pain, & que quelques vns reuenans de la chasse, luy
iettoient par fois en passant vne tourterelle, si vous vous voulez
cabaner, luy dis-je, proche de nostre maison, nous vous nourrirõs,
& vous enseignerons le chemin du Ciel; Elle me repartit d'vne voix
languissante, car elle estoit fort mal, helas! i'y voudrois bien aller,
mais ie ne sçaurois plus marcher, aye pitié de moy, enuoye moy querir
dans vn Canot. Ie ny manquay pas le lendemain matin 23. Iuillet ie
la fis apporter proche de nostre maison; la pauure fẽme me demãdoit
bien si elle n'entreroit point chez nous, elle s'attẽdoit que nous luy
feriõs la mesme [29] charité que nous auions fait aux deux premiers
baptizés, mais ie luy respõdis qu'elle estoit fẽme, & que nous ne
pouuions pas la loger dãs nôtre maisõnette qui est fort petite, que
neãtmoins nous luy porterions à manger dans sa Cabane, & que tous les
iours ie l'irois voir pour l'instruire, elle fut contente. Quand ie
commençay à luy parler de la saincte Trinité, disant, que le Pere, & le
F[i]ls & le sainct Esprit, n'estoient qu'vn Dieu qui a tout fait: ie le
sçay bien, me fit-elle, ie le crois ainsi; Ie fus tout estonné à cette
repartie, mais elle me dit que nostre bon Sauuage Ioseph luy rapportoit
par fois ce que nous luy disions, cela me consola fort, car en peu de
temps elle fut suffisamment instruicte pour estre baptizée: i'estois
seulement en peine de luy faire conceuoir vne douleur de sez pechez,
les Sauuages n'ont point en leur langue, si bien en leurs mœurs, ce
mot de peché: le mot de meschanceté & de malice signifie parmy eux vne
action contre la pureté, à ce qu'ils m'ont dit: i'estois donc en peine
de luy faire conceuoir vn deplaisir d'auoir offencé [30] Dieu, ie luy
leus par plusieurs fois les Commandemens, luy disant que celuy qui à
tout fait haïssoit ceux qui ne luy obeïssoient pas, & qu'elle luy dit
qu'elle estoit bien marrie de l'auoir offencé: La pauure femme qui
auoit bien retenu les deffences que Dieu a fait à tous les hommes de
mentir, de paillarder, de desobeïr à ses parents, s'accusa tout seule
de toutes ses offences par plusieurs fois: disant de soy mesme, celuy
qui as tout fait aye pitié de moy, IESVS, Fils de celuy qui peut tout,
fais moy misericorde: ie te promets que ie ne m'enyureray plus ny que
ie ne diray plus de paroles des honnestes, que ie ne mentiray plus, ie
suis marrie de t'auoir fasché, i'en suis marrie de tout mon cœur, ie
ne mens point, aye pitié de moy, si je retourne en santé, ie croiray
tousiours en toy, ie t'obeiray tousiours, si ie meurs aye pitié de mon
ame; l'aiant donc veuë ainsi disposée, craignant d'ailleurs qu'elle ne
mourust subitement, car elle estoit fort malade, ie luy demanday si
elle ne vouloit pas bien estre baptizée, ie voudrois bien encore viure,
me dit-elle, [31] ie cogneu qu'elle s'imaginoit que nous ne donnions
point le baptesme qu'à ceux qui deuoient mourir incontinent apres; ie
luy fist entendre que nous estions tous baptizés, & que nous n'estions
pas morts, que le baptesme rendoit plutost la santé du corps, qu'il
ne l'ostoit; baptise moy donc au plutost me fit elle: ie la voulus
esprouuer, il estoit arriué quelques canots de Sauuages à Kebec, ie
luy dis, voila vne compagnie de tes gens qui vient d'arriuer, si tu
veux t'en aller auec eux, ils te receuront, & ie te feray porter en
leurs cabanes; la pauure creature se mit à pleurer & à sanglotter si
fort, qu'elle me toucha, me tesmoignant par ses larmes qu'elle vouloit
estre Chrestienne, & que ie ne la chassasse point: enfin voiant son
mal redoubler, nous prismes resolution de la baptizer promptement; ie
luy fist entendre qu'elle pourroit mourir la nuict, & que son ame s'en
iroit dans les feux, si elle n'estoit baptizée: que si elle vouloit
receuoir ce sacrement en nostre Chappelle, que ie l'y ferois apporter
dans vne couuerture, elle tesmoigna qu'elle [32] en estoit contente:
ie m'en vay, luy disie, preparer tout ce qu'il fault, prends courage,
ie t'enuoieray bien-tost querir: la pauure femme n'eut pas la patience
d'attendre, elle se traisne comme elle pût, se reposant à tous coups,
en fin elle arriua à nostre maison esloignée de plus de deux cent pas
de sa cabane, & se jetta par terre n'en pouuant plus, estant reuenuë
à soy, ie la baptizay en presence de nos Peres, & de tous nos hommes:
elle me respondit brauement à toutes les demandes que ie luy feis,
suiuant l'ordre de conferer ce Sacrement aux personnes qui ont l'vsage
de raison: Nous la reportasmes dans sa cabane toute pleine de joie, &
nous remplis de consolation voiant la grace de Dieu operer dans vne
ame où le diable auoit fait sa demeure si long temps. Cecy arriua le
premier iour d'Aoust.

    The seventh person whom we have placed among the number of the
    children of God, through the Sacrament of Baptism, is the mother
    of the little Savage whom we named "bien-venu;" she is called,
    in Savage, _Ouroutiuoucoueu_, and now her name is Marie. This
    beautiful name was given to her in pursuance of a vow once made by
    Reverend Father Charles l'Allement, that the first Canadian Woman
    whom we should baptize should bear the name of the holy Virgin; and
    the first Savage, that [28] of her glorious Spouse, saint Joseph.
    We did not know about this vow, when the others were baptized; I
    hope that in a very few days it will be entirely fulfilled. But to
    return to our new Christian. When I found her near the French fort,
    abandoned by her people, because she was sick, I asked her who fed
    her; she answered that the French gave her a few morsels of bread,
    and that, on their return from the chase, they occasionally threw
    her a pigeon. "If you wish to stay near us," I said, "we will care
    for you, and will teach you the way to Heaven." She answered me in
    a weak voice, for she was very sick, "Alas! I would indeed like to
    go there, but I can no longer walk; have pity upon me, send some
    one in a Canoe to fetch me." I did not fail to do this; and on
    the next day, the 23rd of July, I had her brought near our house.
    The poor woman asked me if she were not to go inside, expecting
    us to show her the same [29] charity that the first two who had
    been baptized had received; but I told her that, as she was a
    woman, we could not lodge her in our house, which is very small;
    that we would, however, carry her something to eat to her Hut, and
    that every day I would go to see and teach her. She was satisfied
    with this. When I began to speak to her about the holy Trinity,
    saying that the Father, the son, and the holy Spirit, were only one
    God, who has made all things, "I know that well," she replied, "I
    believe it." I was greatly astonished at this answer, but she told
    me that our good Savage Joseph occasionally reported to her what we
    told him. This was a great consolation to me, for in a short time
    she was sufficiently instructed to be baptized. My only trouble
    was to make her feel sorrow for her sins. The Savages have not
    this word "sin" in their language, though they certainly have it
    in their customs. The word for wickedness and malice, among them,
    means a violation of purity, as they have told me. So I was puzzled
    to know how to make her understand sorrow at having offended [30]
    God. I read her the Commandments several times, telling her that
    he who made all things hates those who do not obey him; and that
    she should tell him she was very sorry for having offended him. The
    poor woman, who well remembered that God forbids all men to lie, to
    be wanton, to disobey their parents, accused herself over and over
    again of all these offences. She said of her own accord, "Thou who
    hast made all things, have mercy upon me; JESUS, son of him who
    hath all power, have compassion upon me. I promise thee that I will
    not get drunk any more, that I will not utter bad words any more,
    that I will not lie any more. I am sorry for having angered thee, I
    am sorry with all my heart. I am not lying, have mercy upon me. If
    I recover, I will always believe in thee, I will always obey thee.
    If I die, have mercy upon my soul." As I saw her thus minded, and
    feared beside that she might die suddenly, for she was very ill,
    I asked her if she would not like to be baptized. "I would like
    to live longer," she replied. [31] I saw she imagined that we only
    gave baptism to those who were to die immediately afterwards. I
    made her understand that we were all baptized and we were not dead,
    that baptism restored health to the body rather than took it away.
    "Baptize me then as soon as possible," she answered. I wanted to
    try her. Some canoes of Savages having arrived at Kebec, I said to
    her: "Here is a company of thy people just arrived; if thou wishest
    to go away with them, they will receive thee, and I will have thee
    taken to their cabins." The poor creature began to weep and to sob
    so violently, that I was touched, proving to me by her tears that
    she wanted to be a Christian, and that she did not want me to drive
    her away. At last, when we saw that she was growing much worse,
    we decided to baptize her at once. I made her understand that she
    might die that night, and that her soul would go into the flames if
    she were not baptized; that if she wished to receive this sacrament
    in our Chapel, I would have her conveyed there in a blanket. She
    showed that she [32] was satisfied with this. "I am going away," I
    said to her, "to prepare what is necessary, take courage, I will
    send for thee soon." The poor woman did not have the patience to
    wait, but dragged herself along as well as she could, resting at
    every step, until at last she arrived at our house more than two
    hundred steps from her cabin, and threw herself upon the ground
    completely exhausted. When she recovered herself, I baptized her
    in the presence of our Fathers and of all our men. She answered
    confidently all the questions I put to her in following the order
    of the administration of this Sacrament to persons who have the
    use of their reason. We bore her, all full of joy, back to her
    own cabin; and we ourselves were greatly comforted at seeing the
    grace of God working in a soul where the devil has so long made his
    habitation. This happened the first day of August.

Le lendemain quelques François m'estant venus voir, l'allans visiter,
ils la trouuerent tenant vn Crucifix en main, & l'apostrophant fort
doucement! Toy qui est mort pour moy, fais moy misericorde, ie veux
croire en [33] toy toute ma vie, aye pitié de mon ame; Ie rapporte
expressement toutes ces particularitez, pour faire voir que nos
Sauuages ne sont point si barbares qu'ils ne puissent estre faits
enfans de Dieu: I'espere que là où le peché a regné, que la grace y
triomphera, cette pauure femme veit encores plus proche du Ciel que de
la santé.

    The next day, some French people, who came to see me, went to visit
    her, and found her holding a Crucifix in her hand, and addressing
    it in a low voice: "Thou who hast died for me, be merciful to me; I
    wish to believe in [33] thee all my life; have pity upon my soul."
    I report all these details purposely, that you may see that our
    Savages are not so barbarous that they cannot be made children of
    God. I hope that there, where sin has reigned, grace will triumph.
    This poor woman is still living, nearer to Heaven than to health.

Ie concluerray ce Chapitre par vn chastiment assez remarquable d'vne
autre Canadienne, qui ayant fermé l'oreille à Dieu pendant sa maladie,
semble auoir esté rejettée à sa mort. Le Pere Brebœuf l'ayant esté
voir, pour luy parler de receuoir la foy, elle se mocqua de luy, &
mesprisa ses paroles: sa maladie l'ayant terrassée, & les Sauuages
voulans decabaner, la porterent à cette honneste famille, habituée
icy depuis vn assez long temps; mais n'ayãt pas où la loger, ces
Barbares la trainerent au fort, si nous n'eussions esté si esloignez,
asseurément ils nous l'auroient amenée; car ie me doute qu'ils la
presentoiẽt à nos François, voyans que nous auions receu auec beaucoup
d'amour les deux Sauuages morts Chrestiens. [34] Monsieur de Champlain
voyant qu'il estoit desia tard luy fist donner le couuert pour vne
nuict, ceux qui estoient dans la chambre où on la mit furent contraints
d'en sortir, ne pouuans supporter l'infection de cette femme.

    I shall finish this Chapter with an account of the very remarkable
    punishment of a Canadian Woman, who, having closed her ear to God
    during her sickness, seems to have been rejected at her death. When
    Father Brebœuf went to see her, to speak to her about receiving
    the faith, she laughed at him and scorned his words. Having been
    prostrated by sickness, and the Savages wishing to break camp, they
    carried her to this worthy family who have lived here for quite a
    long time; but, as they had no place to keep her, these Barbarians
    dragged her to the fort; if we had not been so far away, they would
    no doubt have brought her to us, for I am inclined to think that
    they presented her to our Frenchmen because we had received with so
    much kindness the two deceased Christian Savages. [34] Monsieur de
    Champlain, as it was already late, gave her shelter for one night.
    Those who were in the room where she was placed, had to leave, as
    they could not bear the odor from this woman.

Le iour venu Monsieur de Champlain fist appeller quelques Sauuages,
& leur ayant reproché leur cruauté d'abandonner cette creature qui
estoit de leur nation, ils la reprirent & la trainerent vers leurs
Cabanes, la rebutans comme vn chien, sans luy donner le couuert. Cette
miserable se voyant delaissée des siens, exposée à la rigueur du froid,
demãda qu'on nous fist appeller; mais cõme il n'y auoit point là de
nos François, les Sauuages ne voulurent pas prendre la peine de venir
iusques en nostre maison, esloignée d'vne bonne lieuë de leurs Cabanes,
si bien que la faim, le froid, la maladie, & les enfans des Sauuages,
à ce qu'on dit, la tuerent; nous ne fusmes aduertis de cette histoire
tragique que quelques iours apres sa mort: s'il y auoit icy vn Hospital
il y auroit tous les malades du [35] pays, & tous les vieillards, pour
les hommes nous les secourerons, selon nos forces, mais pour les femmes
il ne nous est pas bien seant de les receuoir en nos maisons.

    In the morning, Monsieur de Champlain caused a number of the
    Savages to be called; and, being reproached by him for their
    cruelty in abandoning this creature, who was of their tribe, they
    took her and dragged her toward their Cabins, repulsing her as
    they would a dog, and giving her no covering. This wretched woman,
    finding herself abandoned by her own people and exposed to the
    severity of the cold, asked that we should be called. But, as
    there were no Frenchmen there, the Savages did not care to take
    the trouble to come all the way to our house, a good league from
    their Cabins; so that hunger, cold, disease, and the children of
    the Savages, as it is reported, killed her. We did not hear of this
    tragedy until some days after her death. If we had a Hospital here,
    all the sick people of the [35] country, and all the old people,
    would be there. As to the men, we will take care of them according
    to our means; but, in regard to the women, it is not becoming for
    us to receive them into our houses.




CHAPITRE III.

DES MOYENS DE CONUERTIR LES SAUUAGES.


LE grand pouuoir que firent paroistre les Portugais au commencement
dedans les Indes Orientales & Occidentales, ietta l'admiration bien
auant dedans l'esprit des Indiens, si bien que ces peuples embrasserent
quasi sans contreditte la creance de ceux qu'ils admiroient. Or voicy à
mon aduis les moyens d'acquerir cet ascendant, pardessus nos Sauuages.

    CHAPTER III.

    ON THE MEANS OF CONVERTING THE SAVAGES.


    THE great show of power made at first by the Portuguese in the East
    and West Indies inspired profound admiration in the minds of the
    Indians, so that these people embraced, without any contradiction,
    the belief of those whom they admired. Now the following is, it
    seems to me, the way in which to acquire an ascendancy over our
    Savages.

Le premier est d'arrester les courses de ceux qui ruinent la Religion,
& de se rendre redoutable aux Hiroquois, qui ont tué de nos hommes,
comme chacun sçait, & qui tout fraischement ont massacré deux cent
Hurons, & en [36] ont pris plus de cent prisonniers. Voila selon ma
pensée la porte vnique, par laquelle nous sortirons du mespris, où la
negligence de ceux qui auoient cy-deuant la traicte du pays, nous ont
ietté par leur auarice.

    First, to check the progress of those who overthrow Religion, and
    to make ourselves feared by the Iroquois, who have killed some of
    our men, as every one knows, and who recently massacred two hundred
    Hurons, and [36] took more than a hundred prisoners. This is, in
    my opinion, the only door through which we can escape the contempt
    into which the negligence of those who have heretofore held the
    trade of this country has thrown us, through their avarice.

Le second moyen de nous rendre recommandables aux Sauuages, pour les
induire à receuoir nostre saincte foy, seroit d'enuoyer quelque nombre
d'hommes bien entendus à defricher & cultiuer la terre, lesquels se
ioignants auec ceux qui sçauroient la langue, trauailleroient pour
les Sauuages, à cõdition qu'ils s'arresteroient, & mettroient eux
mesmes la main à l'œuure, demeurants dans quelques maisons qu'on leur
feroit dresser pour leur vsage, par ce moyen demeurants sedentaires,
& voyants ce miracle de charité en leur endroit, on les pourroit
instruire & gaigner plus facilement. M'entretenant cét Hyuer auec mes
Sauuages, ie leurs communiquois ce dessein, les asseurant que quand
ie sçaurois parfaictement leur langue, ie les aiderois à cultiuer
la terre, si ie pouuois auoir des hommes, & s'ils se vouloient [37]
arrester, leurs representant la misere de leurs courses, qui les
touchoit pour lors assez sensiblement. Le Sorcier m'ayant entendu, se
tourna vers ses gens, & leur dit, voyez comme cette robe noire ment
hardiment en nostre presence; ie luy demandy pourquoy il se figuroit
que ie mentois, pource, dit-il, qu'on ne voit point d'hommes au
monde si bons comme tu dis, qui voudroient prendre la peine de nous
secourir sans espoir de recompense, & d'employer tant d'hommes pour
nous aider sans rien prendre de nous; si tu faisois cela, adjousta-il,
tu arresterois la pluspart des Sauuages, & ils croiroient tous à tes
paroles.

    The second means of commending ourselves to the Savages, to
    induce them to receive our holy faith, would be to send a number
    of capable men to clear and cultivate the land, who, joining
    themselves with others who know the language, would work for the
    Savages, on condition that they would settle down, and themselves
    put their hands to the work, living in houses that would be built
    for their use; by this means becoming located, and seeing this
    miracle of charity in their behalf, they could be more easily
    instructed and won. While conversing this Winter with my Savages,
    I communicated to them this plan, assuring them that when I
    knew their language perfectly, I would help them cultivate the
    land if I could have some men, and if they wished [37] to stop
    roving,--representing to them the wretchedness of their present
    way of living, and influencing them very perceptibly, for the time
    being. The Sorcerer,[14] having heard me, turned toward his people
    and said, "See how boldly this black robe lies in our presence." I
    asked him why he thought I was lying. "Because," said he, "we never
    see in this world men so good as thou sayest, who would take the
    trouble to help us without hope of reward, and to employ so many
    men to aid us without taking anything from us; if thou shouldst
    do that," he added, "thou wouldst secure the greater part of the
    Savages, and they would all believe in thy words."

Ie m'en rapporte, mais si ie puis tirer quelque conclusion des choses
que ie vois, il me semble qu'on ne doit pas esperer grande chose des
Sauuages, tant qu'ils seront errants; vous les instruisés auiourd'huy,
demain la faim vous enleuera vos auditeurs, les contraignant d'aller
chercher leur vie dans les fleuues & dans les bois. L'an passé ie
faisois le Catechisme en begaiant à [38] bon nombre d'enfans, les
vaisseaux partis, mes oyseaux s'enuolerent qui d'vn costé qui de
l'autre, cette année que ie parle vn petit mieux, ie les pensois
reuoir, mais s'estans cabanez de là le grand fleuue de S. Laurens,
i'ay esté frustré de mon attente. De les vouloir suiure, il faudrait
autant de Religieux qu'ils sont de cabanes, encor n'en viendroit on
pas à bout; car ils sont tellement occupez à quester leur vie parmy
ces bois, qu'ils n'ont pas le loisir de se sauuer, pour ainsi dire.
De plus ie ne crois point que de cent Religieux, il y en ait dix qui
puissent resister aux trauaux, qu'il faudroit endurer à leur suitte.
Ie voulus demeurer auec eux l'Automne dernier, ie n'y fus pas huict
iours, qu'vne fieure violente me saisit, & me fist rechercher nostre
petite maison, pour y trouuer ma santé: Estant guary ie les ay voulu
suiure pendant l'Hiuer, i'ay esté fort malade la pluspart du temps:
ces raisons & beaucoup d'autres que ie deduirois, n'estoit que ie
crains d'estre lõg, me font croire qu'on trauaillera beaucoup, & qu'on
auancera fort peu, si on n'arreste ces Barbares, [39] de leur vouloir
persuader de cultiuer d'eux-mesmes sans estre secourus, ie doute fort
si on le pourra obtenir de long temps; car ils n'y entendent rien: De
plus où retireront ils ce qu'ils pourront recueillir, leurs cabanes
n'estants faites que d'escorce, la premiere gelée gastera toutes les
racines & les citroüilles qu'ils auroient ramassées. De semer des poids
& du bled d'Inde, ils n'ont point de place dans leurs todis; mais qui
les nourrira pendant qu'ils cõmanceront à défricher; car ils ne viuent
quasi qu'au iour la iournée, n'ayãt pour l'ordinaire au temps qu'il
faut défricher aucunes prouisions. En fin quand ils se tueroiẽt de
trauailler, ils ne pourroient pas retirer de la terre la moitié de leur
vie, iusques à ce qu'elle soit défrichée, & qu'ils soient bien entendus
à la faire profiter.

    I may be mistaken; but, if I can draw any conclusion from the
    things I see, it seems to me that not much ought to be hoped for
    from the Savages as long as they are wanderers; you will instruct
    them to-day, to-morrow hunger snatches your hearers away, forcing
    them to go and seek their food in the rivers and woods. Last year
    I stammered out the Catechism to a [38] goodly number of children;
    as soon as the ships departed, my birds flew away, some in one
    direction and some in another. This year, I hoped to see them
    again, as I speak a little better; but, as they have settled on
    the other side of the great river St. Lawrence, my hopes have
    been frustrated. To try to follow them, as many Religious would
    be needed as there are cabins, and still we would not attain our
    object; for they are so occupied in seeking their livelihood
    in these woods, that they have not time, so to speak, to save
    themselves. Besides, I do not believe that, out of a hundred
    Religious, there would be ten who could endure the hardships to
    be encountered in following them. I tried to live among them last
    Autumn; I was not there a week before I was attacked by a violent
    fever, which caused me to return to our little house to recover my
    health. Being cured, I tried to follow them during the Winter, and
    I was very ill the greater part of the time. These reasons, and
    many others that I might give, were I not afraid of being tedious,
    make me think that we shall work a great deal and advance very
    little, if we do not make these Barbarians stationary. [39] As for
    persuading them to till the soil of their own accord, without being
    helped, I very much doubt whether we shall be able to attain this
    for a long time, for they know nothing whatever about it. Besides,
    where will they store their harvests? As their cabins are made of
    bark, the first frost will spoil all the roots and pumpkins that
    they will have gathered. If they plant peas and Indian corn, they
    have no place in their huts to store them. But who will feed them
    while they are beginning to clear the land? For they live only from
    one day to another, having ordinarily no provisions to sustain them
    during the time that they must be clearing. Finally, when they had
    killed themselves with hard work, they could not get from the land
    half their living, until it was cleared and they understood how to
    make the best use of it.

Or auec le secours de quelques braues ouuriers de bon trauail, il
seroit aisé d'arrester quelques familles, veu que quelques vns m'en ont
des-ja parlé, s'accoustumans d'eux mesmes petit à petit à tirer quelque
chose de la terre.

    Now, with the assistance of a few good, industrious men, it would
    be easy to locate a few families, especially as some of them
    have already spoken to me about it, thus of themselves becoming
    accustomed, little by little, to extract something from the earth.

Ie sçay bien qu'il y a des personnes de [40] bon iugement, qui croyent
qu'encor que les Sauuages soient errants, que la bonne semence de
l'Euangile ne laissera pas de germer & de fructifier en leur ame,
quoy que plus lentement, pource qu'on ne les peut instruire que par
reprises. Ils se figurẽt encor que s'il passe icy quelques familles
comme on a des-ja commencé d'en amener, que les Sauuages, prendrõt
exemple sur nos François, & s'arresteront pour cultiuer la terre. Ie
fus frappé de ces pensées au commencement que nous vinsmes icy, mais
la cõmunicatiõ que i'ay euë auec ces peuples, & les difficultez qu'ont
des hõmes habituez dans l'oisiueté, d'embrasser vn fort trauail, comme
est la culture de la terre, me fõt croire maintenant que s'ils ne sont
secourus, ils perdront cœur, notamment les Sauuages de Tadoussac. Car
pour ceux des trois riuieres, où nos François font faire vne nouuelle
habitation cette année, ils ont promis qu'ils s'arresteront là & qu'ils
semeront du bled d'Inde; ce qui me semble n'est pas tout à faict
asseuré, mais probable, pour autant que leurs predecesseurs ont eu
autresfois [41] vne bonne bourgade en cet endroict, qu'ils ont quittée
pour les inuasions des Hiroquois leurs ennemis.

    I know well there are persons of [40] good judgment who believe
    that, although the Savages are nomadic, the good seed of the Gospel
    will not fail to take root and bring forth fruit in their souls,
    although more slowly, as they can only be instructed at intervals.
    They imagine also that, if a few families come over here, as they
    are already beginning to do, the Savages will follow the example of
    our French and will settle down to cultivate the land. I myself was
    impressed with these ideas, when we first came over here; but the
    intercourse which I have had with these people, and the difficulty
    that men accustomed to a life of idleness have in embracing one of
    hard work, such as cultivating the soil, cause me to believe now
    that if they are not helped they will lose heart, especially the
    Savages at Tadoussac. As to those of the three rivers, where our
    French People are going to plant a new colony this year, they have
    promised that they will settle down there and plant Indian corn;
    this seems to me not altogether assured, but probable, inasmuch
    as their predecessors once had [41] a good village in that place,
    which they abandoned on account of the invasions of their enemies,
    the Hiroquois.[15]

Le Capitaine de ce quartier là, m'a dit que la terre y estoit fort
bonne, & qu'ils l'aimoient fort s'ils deuiennent sedentaires, comme
ils en ont maintenant la volonté, nous preuoyons lá vne moisson plus
feconde des biens du Ciel, que des fruicts de la terre.

    The Captain of that region told me that the land there was quite
    good, and they liked it very much. If they become sedentary, as
    they are now minded to do, we foresee there a harvest more abundant
    in the blessings of Heaven than in the fruits of the earth.

Le troisiesme moyen d'estre bienvoulu de ces peuples, seroit de dresser
icy vn seminaire de petits garçons, & auec le temps vn de filles,
soubs la conduitte de quelque braue maistresse, que le zele de la
gloire de Dieu & l'affectiõ au salut de ces peuples, fera passer icy,
auec quelques Compagnes animées de pareil courage. Plaise à sa diuine
Majesté d'en inspirer quelques vnes, pour vne si noble entreprise, &
leur fasse perdre l'apprehension que la foiblesse de leur sexe leur
pourroit causer, pour auoir à trauerser tant de mers, & viure parmy des
Barbares.

    The third means of making ourselves welcome to these people, would
    be to erect here a seminary for little boys, and in time one for
    girls, under the direction of some brave mistress, whom zeal
    for the glory of God, and a desire for the salvation of these
    people, will bring over here, with a few Companions animated by
    the same courage. May it please his divine Majesty to inspire some
    to so noble an enterprise, and to divest them of any fear that
    the weakness of their sex might induce in them at the thought of
    crossing so many seas and of living among Barbarians.

A ce dernier voyage des femmes enceintes sont venuës, & ont aisemẽt
surmonté ces difficultez, comme auoient [42] faict d'autres auparauant.
Il y a aussi du plaisir d'appriuoiser des ames Sauuages, & les cultiuer
pour receuoir la semence du Christianisme. Et puis l'experience nous
rend certains, que Dieu qui est bon & puissant enuers tous, au respect
neantmoins de ceux qui s'exposent genereusemẽt & souffrent volontiers
pour son seruice, il a des caresses assaisonnées de tant de suauitez,
& les secoure parmy leurs dangers d'vne si prompte & paternelle
assistance, que souuent ils ne sentent point leurs trauaux, ains
leurs peines leur tournent à plaisir, & leurs perils à consolation
singuliere: Mais ie voudrois tenir icy où nous sommes les enfans
des Hurons. Le Pere Brebœuf nous faict esperer que nous en pourrons
auoir, s'il entre auec nos Peres dans ces pays bien peuplez, & si on
trouue dequoy fonder ce seminaire. La raison pourquoy ie ne voudrois
pas prẽdre les enfans du pays dans le pays mesme, mais en vn autre
endroict, c'est pour autant que ces Barbares ne peuuent supporter
qu'on chastie leurs enfants, non pas mesme de paroles, ne pouuans rien
refuser à vn [43] enfant qui pleure, si bien qu'à la moindre fantaisie
ils nous les enleueroient deuant qu'ils fussent instruicts; mais si on
tient icy les petits Hurõs, ou les enfans des peuples plus esloignez,
il en arriuera plusieurs biens: car nous ne serõs pas importunés ny
destournés des peres en l'instruction des enfants; cela obligera ces
peuples à bien traitter, ou du moins à ne faire aucun tort aux François
qui seront en leur pays. Et en dernier lieu nous obtiendrons, auec la
grace de Dieu nostre Seigneur, la fin pour laquelle nous venons en ce
pays si esloigné, sçauoir est la conuersion de ces peuples.

    In the last voyage there came some women who were pregnant, and
    they easily surmounted these difficulties, as others had [42] done
    before them. There is also some pleasure in taming the souls of the
    Savages, and preparing them to receive the seed of Christianity.
    And then experience makes us feel certain that God, who shows his
    goodness and power to all, has, nevertheless, for those who expose
    themselves freely and suffer willingly in his service, favors
    seasoned with so much sweetness, and succors them in the midst
    of their dangers with so prompt and paternal assistance, that
    often they do not feel their trials, but their pain is turned to
    pleasure and their perils to a peculiar consolation. But I would
    like to keep here, where we are, the children of the Hurons. Father
    Brebœuf leads us to hope that we shall have some, if he goes with
    our Fathers into those well-peopled countries, and if there is
    anything with which to found a seminary. The reason why I would not
    like to take the children of one locality [and teach them] in that
    locality itself, but rather in some other place, is because these
    Barbarians cannot bear to have their children punished, nor even
    scolded, not being able to refuse anything to a [43] crying child.
    They carry this to such an extent that upon the slightest pretext
    they would take them away from us, before they were educated. But
    if the little Hurons, or the children of more distant tribes, are
    kept here, a great many advantages will result, for we would not
    be annoyed and distracted by the fathers while instructing the
    children; it will also compel these people to show good treatment
    to the French who are in their country, or at least not to do them
    any injury. And, lastly, we shall obtain, by the grace of God our
    Lord, the object for which we came into this distant country;
    namely, the conversion of these nations.




CHAPITRE IV.

DE LA CREANCE, DES SUPERSTITIONS, & DES ERREURS DES SAUUAGES MONTAGNAIS.


I'AY desia mandé, que les Sauuages croyoient qu'vn certain nõmé
Atachocam auoit creé le monde, & qu'vn nommé Messou l'auoit reparé.
I'ay interrogé là dessus ce fameux Sorcier & ce vieillard, auec
lesquelles i'ay passé [44] l'Hyuer, ils m'ont respondu, qu'ils ne
sçauoient pas qui estoit le premier Autheur du mõde, que c'estoit
peut-estre Atahochã, mais que cela n'estoit pas certain qu'ils ne
parloient d'Atahocam, que comme on parle d'vne chose si esloignée, qu'õ
n'en peut tirer aucune asseurance, & de fait le mot Nitatahokan en leur
lãgue, signifie, ie racõte vne fable, ie dis vn vieux conte fait à
plaisir.

    CHAPTER IV.

    ON THE BELIEF, SUPERSTITIONS, AND ERRORS OF THE MONTAGNAIS SAVAGES.


    I HAVE already reported that the Savages believe that a certain one
    named Atachocam had created the world, and that one named Messou
    had restored it.[16] I have questioned upon this subject the famous
    Sorcerer and the old man with whom I passed [44] the Winter; they
    answered that they did not know who was the first Author of the
    world,--that it was perhaps Atahocham, but that was not certain;
    that they only spoke of Atahocam as one speaks of a thing so far
    distant that nothing sure can be known about it; and, in fact, the
    word "Nitatahokan" in their language means, "I relate a fable, I am
    telling an old story invented for amusement."

Pour le Messou, ils tiennent qu'il a reparé le monde qui s'estoit perdu
par le deluge d'eau, d'où appert qu'ils ont quelque traditiõ de cette
grande inondation vniuerselle qui arriua du temps de Noë, mais ils ont
remply cette verité de mille fables impertinentes. Ce Messou allant
à la chasse ses loups Ceruiers dont il se seruoit au lieu de chiens,
estans entrez dans vn grand lac ils y furent arrestez. Le Messou les
cherchant par tout, vn oyseau luy dit qu'il les voyoit au milieu de ce
lac, il y entre pour les retirer, mais ce lac venant à se desgorger
couurit la terre, & abisma le monde, le Messou bien estõné, enuoya le
corbeau chercher vn morceau de terre pour rebastir cet element, mais
il [45] n'en peut trouuer, il fist descendre vne Loutre dãs l'abisme
des eauës, elle n'en peut rapporter, enfin il enuoya vn rat musqué,
qui en rapporta vn petit morceau, duquel se seruit le Messou, pour
refaire cette terre où nous sommes, il tira des flesches aux troncs des
arbres, lesquelles se conuertirent en brãches, il fist mille autres
merueilles, se vengea de ceux qui auoient arresté ses Loups Ceruiers,
épousa vne Ratte musquée, de laquelle il eust des enfans qui ont
repeuplé le monde, voila cõme le Messou a tout restably. Ie touchay
l'an passé cette fable, mais desirant rassembler tout ce que ie scay
de leur creance, i'ay vsé de redittes. Nostre Sauuage racõtoit au Pere
Brebœuf que ses compatriotes croyent qu'vn certain Sauuage auoit receu
du Messou le don d'immortalité dans vn petit pacquet, auec vne grande
recommandation de ne la point ouurir, pendãt qu'il le tint fermé il
fust immortel, mais sa femme curieuse & incredule, voulut voir ce qu'il
y auoit dans ce present, l'ayant deployé, tout s'enuola, & depuis les
Sauuages ont esté sujets à la mort.

    As to the Messou, they hold that he restored the world, which was
    destroyed in the flood; whence it appears that they have some
    tradition of that great universal deluge which happened in the
    time of Noë, but they have burdened this truth with a great many
    irrelevant fables. This Messou went to the chase, and his Lynxes,
    which he used instead of dogs, having gone into a great lake, were
    held there. The Messou, seeking them everywhere, was told by a
    bird that it had seen them in the midst of this lake. He went in,
    to get them out; but the lake overflowed, covering the earth and
    swallowing up the world. The Messou, very much astonished, sent a
    raven in search of a little piece of ground, with which to rebuild
    this element [the earth], but he [45] could not find any; he made
    an Otter descend into the abyss of waters, but it could not bring
    back any; at last he sent a muskrat, which brought back a little
    morsel, and the Messou used this to rebuild this earth which we
    inhabit. He shot arrows into the trunks of trees, which made
    themselves into branches; he performed a thousand other wonders,
    avenged himself upon those who had detained his Lynxes, and married
    a muskrat, by whom he had children who have repeopled this world.
    So this is the way in which the Messou restored all things. I
    touched upon this fable last year, but, desiring to recapitulate
    all I know about their beliefs, I have repeated many things. Our
    Savage related to Father Brebœuf that his people believe that a
    certain Savage had received from Messou the gift of immortality in
    a little package, with a strict injunction not to open it; while
    he kept it closed he was immortal, but his wife, being curious and
    incredulous, wished to see what was inside this present; and having
    opened it, it all flew away, and since then the Savages have been
    subject to death.[17]

[46] Ils disent en outre, que tous les animaux de chaque espece ont
vn frere aisné, qui est cõme le principe & cõme l'origine de tous les
indiuidus, & ce frere aisné est merueilleusement grand puissãt. L'aisné
des Castors, me disoiẽt-ils, est peut-estre aussi gros que nostre
Cabane, quoy que ses Cadets (i'entẽds les Castors ordinaires) ne soient
pas tout à faict si gros que nos moutons; or ces aisnez de tous les
animaux sont les cadets du Messou, le voila bien apparẽté, le braue
reparateur de l'Vniuers, est le frere aisné de toutes les bestes. Si
quelqu'vn void en dormant l'aisné ou le principe de quelques animaux,
il fera bonne chasse, s'il void l'aisné des Castors, il prẽdra des
Castors, s'il void l'aisné des Eslans, il prendra des Eslans, iouyssans
des cadets par la faueur de leur aisné qu'ils ont veu en songe. Ie
leur demanday où estoient ces freres aisnez, nous n'en sommes pas bien
asseurez, me disoient-ils, mais nous pensons que les aisnés des oyseaux
sont au ciel, & que les aisnez des autres animaux sont dans les eauës.
Ils reconnoissent deux principes des saisons, l'vn [47] s'appelle
_Nipinou_k_he_, c'est celuy qui ramene le Printemps & l'Esté. Ce nom
vient de _Nipin_, qui en leur langue signifie le Printemps. L'autre
s'appelle Pipounoukhe du nom de Pipoun, qui signifie l'Hiuer, aussi
rameine il la saison froide. Ie leurs demandois si ce Nipinoukhe &
Pipounoukhe estoient hõmes ou animaux de quelque autre espece, & en
quel endroict ils demeuroient ordinairement; & ils me respondirent
qu'ils ne sçauoient pas bien cõme ils estoient faicts, encor qu'ils
fussent biẽ asseurez qu'ils estoiẽt viuants; car ils les entendent,
disent-ils, parler ou bruire, notãment à leur venuë, sans pouuoir
distinguer ce qu'ils disent; pour leur demeure, ils partagent le mõde
entre-eux, l'vn se tenant d'vn costé, l'autre de l'autre, & quand le
temps de leur station aux deux bouts du mõde, est expiré l'vn passe en
la place de l'autre se succedans mutuellement; Voila en partie la fable
de Castor & de Pollux. Quand Nipinoukhe reuient, il ramene auec soy la
chaleur, les oyseaux, la verdure, il rend la vie & la beauté au mõde,
mais Pipounoukhe rauage tout, [48] estant accompagné de vents froids,
de glaces, de neiges, & des autres appanages de l'Hiuer; Ils appellent
cette succession de l'vn à l'autre _Achitescatoueth_, c'est à dire ils
passent mutuellement à la place l'vn de l'autre.

    [46] They also say that all animals, of every species, have an
    elder brother, who is, as it were, the source and origin of all
    individuals, and this elder brother is wonderfully great and
    powerful. The elder of the Beaver, they tell me, is perhaps as
    large as our Cabin, although his Junior (I mean the ordinary
    Beaver) is not quite as large as our sheep. Now these elders of all
    the animals are the juniors of the Messou. Behold him well related,
    this worthy restorer of the Universe, he is elder brother to all
    beasts. If any one, when asleep, sees the elder or progenitor of
    some animals, he will have a fortunate chase; if he sees the elder
    of the Beavers, he will take Beavers; if he sees the elder of the
    Elks, he will take Elks, possessing the juniors through the favor
    of their senior whom he has seen in the dream. I asked them where
    these elder brothers were. "We are not sure," they answered me,
    "but we think the elders of the birds are in the sky, and that the
    elders of the other animals are in the water." They recognize two
    progenitors of the seasons; one [47] is called _Nipinoukhe_, it is
    this one that brings the Spring and Summer. This name comes from
    _Nipin_, which in their language means Springtime. The other is
    called Pipounoukhe, from the word Pipoun, which means Winter; it
    therefore brings the cold season. I asked them if this Nipinoukhe
    and Pipounoukhe were men, or if they were animals of some other
    species, and in what place they usually dwelt; they replied that
    they did not know exactly what form they had, but they were quite
    sure they were living, for they heard them, they said, talking
    or rustling, especially at their coming, but they could not tell
    what they were saying. For their dwelling place they share the
    world between them, the one keeping on one side, the other upon
    the other; and when the period of their stay at one end of the
    world has expired, each goes over to the locality of the other,
    reciprocally succeeding each other. Here we have, in part, the
    fable of Castor and Pollux. When Nipinoukhe returns, he brings
    back with him the heat, the birds, the verdure, and restores life
    and beauty to the world; but Pipounoukhe lays waste everything,
    [48] being accompanied by the cold winds, ice, snows, and other
    phenomena of Winter. They call this succession of one to the other
    _Achitescatoueth_; meaning that they pass reciprocally to each
    others' places.

De plus, ils croyent qu'il y a certains Genies du jour, ou Genies de
l'air, ils les nomment _Khichi_k_ouai_ du mot _Khichi_k_ou_, qui veut
dire le jour & l'air. Les Genies, ou K_hichi_k_ouai_, connoissent les
choses futures, ils voyẽt de fort loing, c'est pourquoy les Sauuages
les consultent, non pas tous mais certains iongleurs, qui sçauent mieux
bouffonner & amuser ce peuple que les autres. Ie me suis trouué auec
eux quand ils consultoient ces beaux Oracles, voicy ce que i'en ay
remarqué.

    Furthermore, they believe that there are certain Genii of light,
    or Genii of the air, which they call _Khichikouai_ from the word
    _Khichikou_, which means "light" or "the air." The Genii, or
    _Khichikouai_, are acquainted with future events, they see very far
    ahead; this is why the Savages consult them, not all [the savages]
    but certain jugglers, who know better than the others how to impose
    upon and amuse these people. I have chanced to be present when they
    consulted these fine Oracles, and here is what I have observed.

Sur l'entrée de la nuict, deux ou trois jeunes hommes dresserent vn
tabernacle au milieu de nostre Cabane, ils plãterent en rond six pieux
fort auãt dans terre, & pour les tenir en estat, ils attacherent au
haut de ces pieux vn grand cercle, qui les enuironnoit tous; cela
fait ils entourerent cet Edifice de Castelognes, laissant le haut du
tabernacle [49] ouuuert, c'est tout ce que pourroit faire vn grand
homme, d'atteindre de la main au plus haut de cette tour ronde, capable
de tenir 5 ou 6 hommes debout. Cette maisõ estãt faite, on esteint
entierement les feux de la cabane, iettant dehors les tisons, de peur
que la flãme ne donne de l'espouuãte à ces Geniés ou K_hichi_k_ouai_,
qui doiuent entrer en ce tabernacle, dans lequel vn ieune iongleur
se glissa par le bas, retroussant à cét effect la couuerture qui
l'enuirõnoit, puis la rabbattãt quand il fut entré, car il se faut bien
donner de garde qu'il n'y ait aucune ouuerture en ce beau palais, sinon
par le haut. Le jongleur entré, commença doucement à fremir, comme en
se plaignãt, il esbranloit ce tabernacle sans violence au cõmencement,
puis s'animant petit à petit, il se mit à siffler d'vne façon sourde,
& comme de loin: puis à parler comme dans vne bouteille, à crier
comme vn chat-huant de ce pays-cy, qui me semble auoir la voix plus
forte que ceux de France, puis à hurler, chanter, variant de tõ à tous
coup, finissant par ces syllabes, _ho ho, hi hi, gui gui nioué_, &
autres [50] semblables cõtrefaisant sa voix en sorte qu'il me sembloit
oüir ces marionnettes que quelques bateleurs fõt voir en France:
Il parloit tãtost Mõtagnais, tantost Algonquain, retenãt tousiours
l'accent Algonquain, qui est gay, cõme le Prouençal. Au commencement,
cõme i'ay dit, il agitoit doucement cét edifice, mais cõme il s'alloit
tousiours animant, il entra dans vn si furieux enthousiasme, que ie
croyois qu'il deust tout briser, esbranlant si fortement, & auec de
telles violences sa maison, que ie m'estonnois qu'vn homme eust tant de
force: car, comme il eut vne fois cõmencé à l'agiter, il ne cessa point
que la consulte ne fust faite, qui dura enuiron trois heures: Comme
il changeoit de voix, les Sauuages s'escrioient au commencemẽt _moa,
moa_, escoute, escoute: puis inuitãs ces Geniés, ils leurs disoiẽt,
_Pitou_k_hecou_, _Pitou_K_hecou_, entrez, entrez. D'autrefois cõme
s'ils eussent respondu aux hurlements du jongleur, ils tiroient ceste
aspiration du fond de la poitrine, _ho, ho_. I'estois assis comme les
autres regardant ce beau mystere auec defence de parler: mais cõme ie
ne leur [51] auois point voüé d'obeïssance, ie ne laissois pas de dire
vn petit mot à la trauerse: tantost ie les priois d'auoir pitié de ce
pauure jongleur, qui se tuoit dans ce tabernacle: d'autrefois ie leur
disois qu'ils criassent plus haut & que leurs Geniés estoient endormis.

    Towards nightfall, two or three young men erected a tent in the
    middle of our Cabin; they stuck six poles deep into the ground in
    the form of a circle, and to hold them in place they fastened to
    the tops of these poles a large ring, which completely encircled
    them; this done, they enclosed this Edifice with Castelognes,[18]
    leaving the top of the tent [49] open; it is all that a tall man
    can do to reach to the top of this round tower, capable of holding
    5 or 6 men standing upright. This house made, the fires of the
    cabin are entirely extinguished, and the brands thrown outside,
    lest the flame frighten away the Genii or _Khichikouai_, who are
    to enter this tent; a young juggler slipped in from below, turning
    back, for this purpose, the covering which enveloped it, then
    replaced it when he had entered, for they must be very careful that
    there be no opening in this fine palace except from above. The
    juggler, having entered, began to moan softly, as if complaining;
    he shook the tent at first without violence; then becoming
    animated little by little, he commenced to whistle, in a hollow
    tone, and as if it came from afar; then to talk as if in a bottle;
    to cry like the owls of these countries, which it seems to me
    have stronger voices than those of France; then to howl and sing,
    constantly varying the tones; ending by these syllables, _ho ho,
    hi hi, gui gui, nioué_, and other [50] similar sounds, disguising
    his voice so that it seemed to me I heard those puppets which
    showmen exhibit in France. Sometimes he spoke Montagnais, sometimes
    Algonquain, retaining always the Algonquain intonation, which, like
    the Provençal, is vivacious. At first, as I have said, he shook
    this edifice gently; but, as he continued to become more animated,
    he fell into so violent an ecstasy, that I thought he would break
    everything to pieces, shaking his house with so much force and
    violence, that I was astonished at a man having so much strength;
    for, after he had once begun to shake it, he did not stop until the
    consultation was over, which lasted about three hours. Whenever he
    would change his voice, the Savages would at first cry out, _moa,
    moa_, "listen, listen;" then, as an invitation to these Genii, they
    said to them, _Pitoukhecou, Pitoukhecou_, "enter, enter." At other
    times, as if they were replying to the howls of the juggler, they
    drew this aspiration from the depths of their chests, _ho, ho_. I
    was seated like the others, looking on at this wonderful mystery,
    forbidden to speak; but as I [51] had not vowed obedience to them,
    I did not fail to intrude a little word into the proceedings.
    Sometimes I begged them to have pity on this poor juggler, who
    was killing himself in this tent; at other times I told them they
    should cry louder, for the Genii had gone to sleep.

Quelques vns de ces Barbares s'imaginẽt que ce jongleur n'est point là
dedans, qu'ils est transporté sans sçauoir ny ou, ny cõment. D'autres
disent que son corps est couché par terre, que son ame est au haut de
ce tabernacle, où elle parle au commencement, appellant ces Geniés, &
iettant par fois des estincelles de feu. Or pour retourner à nostre
consultation, les Sauuages, ayant ouy certaine voix que contrefit le
jongleur, pousserẽt vn cris d'allegresse, disants qu'vn de ces Geniés
estoit entré: Puis s'addressants à luy, s'escrioient, _Tepouachi,
tepouachi_, appelle, appelle; sçauoir est tes compagnõs; là dessus le
jongleur faisant du Geniés, changeant de ton & de voix les appelloit:
cependant nostre sorcier qui estoit presẽt prit son tambour, & chantant
auec le iongleur qui estoit dans le tabernacle, les autres [52]
respondoient: On fit dancer quelques ieunes gens, entr'autres l'Apostat
qui n'y vouloit point entendre, mais le sorcier le fit bien obeïr.

    Some of these Barbarians imagined that this juggler was not inside,
    that he had been carried away, without knowing where or how. Others
    said that his body was lying on the ground, and that his soul was
    up above the tent, where it spoke at first, calling these Genii,
    and throwing from time to time sparks of fire. Now to return to our
    consultation. The Savages having heard a certain voice that the
    juggler counterfeited, uttered a cry of joy, saying that one of
    these Genii had entered; then addressing themselves to him, they
    cried out, _Tepouachi, tepouachi_, "call, call;" that is, "call
    thy companions." Thereupon the juggler, pretending to be one of
    the Genii and changing his tone and his voice, called them. In the
    meantime our sorcerer, who was present, took his drum, and began
    to sing with the juggler who was in the tent, and the others [52]
    answered. Some of the young men were made to dance, among others
    the Apostate,[12] who did not wish to hear of it, but the sorcerer
    made him obey.

En fin apres mille cris & hurlements, apres mille chants, aprés auoir
dancé & bien esbranlé ce bel edifice, les Sauuages croyãs que les
Geniés ou K_ichi_k_ouai_ estoient entrez, le sorcier les consulta:
il leur demanda de sa santé (car il est malade) de celle de sa fẽme
qui l'estoit aussi. Ces Geniés, ou plustost le jongleur qui les
contrefaisoit, respondit que pour sa fẽme elle estoit desia morte
que c'en estoit fait, i'en eusse bien dit autant que luy, car il ne
falloit estre ny prophete, ny sorcier pour deuiner cela; d'autãt que
la pauure creature auoit la mort entre les dents: pour le sorcier, ils
dirẽt qu'il verroit le Printemps. Or cognoissãt sa maladie, qui est vne
douleur de reins, ou pour mieux dire, vn appanage de ses lubricitez
& paillardises, car il est sale au dernier poinct, ie luy dis voyant
qu'il estoit sain d'ailleurs, & qu'il beuuoit & mangeoit fort biẽ, que
non seulement il verroit le printemps, mais encore l'Esté, si quelque
autre accident [53] ne luy suruenoit, ie ne me suis pas trompé.

    At last, after a thousand cries and howls, after a thousand songs,
    after having danced and thoroughly shaken this fine edifice, the
    Savages believing that the Genii or _Kichikouai_ had entered, the
    sorcerer consulted them. He asked them about his health, (for he is
    sick), and about that of his wife, who was also sick. These Genii,
    or rather the juggler who counterfeited them, answered that, as to
    his wife, she was already dead, that it was all over with her. I
    could have said as much myself, for one needed not to be a prophet
    or a sorcerer to guess that, inasmuch as the poor creature was
    already struck with death; in regard to the sorcerer, they said
    that he would see the Spring. Now, knowing his disease,--which was
    a pain in the loins, or rather an infirmity resulting from his
    licentiousness and excesses, for he is vile to the last degree,--I
    said to him, seeing that he was otherwise healthy, and that he
    drank and ate very heartily, that he would not only see the spring
    but also the Summer, if some other accident [53] did not overtake
    him, and I was not mistaken.

Apres ces interogations, on demanda à ces beaux oracles s'il y auroit
bien tost de la neige, s'il y en auroit beaucoup, s'il y auroit des
Eslans ou Orignaux, & en quel endroict ils estoient, ils repartirent ou
plutost le iongleur, contrefaisant tousiours sa voix, qu'ils voyoient
peu de neige & des orignaux fort loing, sans determiner le lieu, ayãt
bien cette prudence de ne se point engager.

    After these interrogations, these fine oracles were asked if there
    would soon be snow, if there would be much of it, if there would
    be Elks or Moose, and where they could be found. They answered, or
    rather the juggler, always disguising his voice, that they saw a
    little snow and some moose far away, without indicating the place,
    having the prudence not to commit themselves.

Voila comme se passa cette consulte, apres laquelle se voulut arrester
le iongleur: mais comme il estoit nuict, il sortit de son tabernacle,
& de nostre cabane si vistement, qu'il fust dehors auant quasi que ie
m'en apperçeusse. Luy & tous les autres Sauuages qui estoient venus
des autres Cabanes à ces beaux mysteres, estans partis, ie demanday à
l'Apostat, s'il estoit si simple de croire que ces Geniés entrassent &
parlassent dans ce tabernacle, il se mit à iurer sa foy, qu'il a perduë
& reniée, que ce n'estoit point le iongleur qu'il parloit, ains ces
K_hichi_k_ouai_ ou Genies [54] du iour, & mon hoste me dit, entre toy
mesme dans le tabernacle, & tu verras que ton corps demeurera en bas,
& ton ame montera en hault: I'y voulu entrer, mais comme i'estois seul
de mõ party, ie preueu qu'ils m'auroient faict quelque affront, & comme
il n'y auoit point de tesmoins, ils se seroient vantez, que i'aurais
recogneu & admiré la verité de leurs mysteres.

    So this is what took place in this consultation, after which I
    wished to get hold of the juggler; but, as it was night, he made
    his exit from the tent and from our little cabin so swiftly,
    that he was outside almost before I was aware of it. He and all
    the other Savages, who had come from the other Cabins to these
    beautiful mysteries, having departed, I asked the Apostate if
    he was so simple as to believe that the Genii entered and spoke
    in this tent. He began to swear his belief, which he had lost
    and denied, that it was not the juggler who spoke, but these
    _Khichikouai_ or Genii [54] of the air, and my host said to me,
    "Enter thou thyself into the tent, and thou wilt see that thy body
    will remain below, and thy soul will mount on high." I did want to
    go in; but, as I was the only one of my party, I foresaw that they
    might commit some outrage upon me, and, as there were no witnesses
    there, they would boast that I had recognized and admired the truth
    of their mysteries.

Or j'auois grande enuie de sçauoir de quelle nature ils faisoient
ces Geniés, l'Apostat n'en sçauoit rien. Le sorcier voyant que
i'esuantois ses mines, & que i'improuuois ses niaiseries, ne me le
vouloit point enseigner, si bien qu'il fallut que ie me seruisse
d'industrie: Ie laissay escouler quelques sepmaines, puis le jettant
sur ce discours, ie luy parlois comme admirant sa doctrine, luy disant
qu'il auoit tort de m'esconduire, puisque à toutes les questions qu'il
me faisoit de nostre croyance, ie luy respõdois ingenument, sans
me faire tirer l'oreille: En fin il se laissa gagner à ses propres
loüanges, & me descouurit les secrets de l'escole: voicy la fable qu'il
me raconta, touchant la nature [55] & l'essence de ces Geniés.

    Now I had a great desire to know the nature of these Genii; the
    Apostate knew nothing about them. The sorcerer, seeing that I was
    discovering his mines, and that I disapproved of his nonsense, did
    not wish to explain anything to me, so that I was compelled to make
    use of my wits. I allowed a few weeks to pass; then, springing this
    subject upon him, I spoke as if I admired his doctrine, saying to
    him that it was wrong to refuse me, since to all the questions
    which he asked me in regard to our belief, I answered him frankly
    and without showing any reluctance. At last he allowed himself to
    be won over by this flattery, and revealed to me the secrets of the
    school. Here is the fable which he recounted to me touching the
    nature [55] and the character of these Genii.

Deux Sauuages consultans ces Geniés en mesme temps, mais en deux diuers
tabernacles, l'vn d'eux, homme tres-meschant, qui auoit tué trois
hõmes à coup de haches par trahison, fust mis à mort par les Geniés,
lesquels se transportans dans le tabernacle de l'autre Sauuage pour
luy oster la vie, aussi bien qu'à son compagnon, ils se trouuerent eux
mesmes surpris; car ce iongleur se defendit si bien, qu'il tua l'vn de
ces K_hichi_k_ouai_, ou Geniés, & ainsi l'on a sçeu comme ils estoient
faicts, car ce Geniés demeura sur la place. Ie luy demanday donc de
quelle forme il estoit, il estoit gros comme le poing, me fit-il, son
corps est de pierre, & vn peu long; Ie conceu qu'il estoit faict en
cone, gros par vn bout, s'allant tousiours appetissant vers l'autre.
Ils croiẽt que dans ce corps de pierre il y a de la chair & du sang,
car la hache dont ce Genié fust tué resta ensanglantée. Ie m'enquestay
s'ils auoient des pieds & des ailes, & m'ayant dict que non, & comment
donc, leur fis-ie, peuuent ils entrer ou voler dans ces tabernacles,
[56] s'ils n'ont ny pieds ny aisles, le sorcier se mit à rire, disant
pour solution, en verité ceste robe noire n'a point d'esprit, voila
comme ils me payent quand ie leurs fais quelque obiectiõ à laquelle ils
ne peuuent respondre.

    Two Savages having consulted these Genii at the same time, but
    in two different tents, one of them, a very wicked man who had
    treacherously killed three men with his hatchet, was put to death
    by the Genii, who, crossing over into the tent of the other Savage
    to take his life, as well as that of his companion, were themselves
    surprised; for this juggler defended himself so well that he killed
    one of these _Khichikouai_ or Genii; and thus it was found out how
    they were made, for this One remained in the place where he was
    killed. Then I asked him what was his form. "He was as large as
    the fist," he replied; "his body was of stone, and rather long."
    I judged that he was cone-shaped, large at one end, and gradually
    becoming smaller towards the other. They believe that in this
    stone body there is flesh and blood, for the hatchet with which
    this Spirit was killed was bloody. I inquired if they had feet and
    wings, and was told they had not. "Then how," said I, "can they
    enter or fly into these tents, [56] if they have neither feet nor
    wings?" The sorcerer began to laugh, saying in explanation, "In
    truth, this black robe has no sense." This is the way they pay me
    back when I offer some objections to something which they cannot
    answer.

Comme ils faisoient grand cas du feu que iettoit ce iongleur hors de
son tabernacle, ie leur dis, nos François en ietteroient mieux que luy,
car il ne faisoit voler que des estincelles de quelque bois pourry
qu'il porte auec soy, comme ie me persuade, & si i'eusse eu de la
resine, ie leur eusse faict sortir des flammes. Ils me contestoient
qu'il estoit entré sans feu dans cette maison, mais de bonne fortune,
ie luy auois veu donner vn gros charbon ardant qu'il demanda pour
petuner.

    As they made a great deal of the fire which this juggler threw out
    of his tent, I told them that our Frenchmen could throw it better
    than he could; for he only made a few sparks fly from some rotten
    wood which he carried with him, as I am inclined to think, and if
    I had had some resin I could have made the flames rise for them.
    They insisted that he entered this house without fire; but I had
    happened to see some one give him a red-hot coal which he asked to
    light his pipe.

Voila leur creance touchant les principes des choses bonnes: Ce qui
m'estonne, c'est leurs ingratitudes, car quoy qu'ils croyent que le
Messou a reparé le monde, que Nipinoukhé & PipounouKhe rameinent les
saisons, que leur KhichiKouai leurs apprẽnent où il y a des Eslans,
ou Orignaux, & leurs rendent milles autres bõs offices: si est ce que
ie n'ay peu iusques icy recognoistre [57] qu'ils leur rendent aucun
honneur: i'ay seulement remarqué que dans leurs festins, ils iettent
par fois quelques cuillerées de gresse dãs le feu, prononcant ces
parolles _Papeouekou, Papeoue_K_ou_, faites nous trouuer à manger,
faites nous trouuer à manger: ie crois que cette priere s'addresse à
ces Genies, ausquels ils presentent cette gresse comme la chose la
meilleure qu'ils ayent au monde.

    So that is their belief touching the foundations of things good.
    What astonishes me is their ingratitude; for, although they believe
    that the Messou has restored the world, that Nipinoukhé and
    Pipounoukhe bring the seasons, that their Khichikouai teach them
    where to find Elks or Moose, and render them a thousand other good
    offices,--yet up to the present I have not been able to learn [57]
    that they render them the slightest honor. I have only observed
    that, in their feasts, they occasionally throw a few spoonfuls
    of grease into the fire, pronouncing these words: _Papeouekou,
    Papeouekou_; "Make us find something to eat, make us find something
    to eat." I believe this prayer is addressed to these Genii, to whom
    they present this grease as the best thing they have in the world.

Outre ces principes des choses bonnes, ils recognoissent vn Manitou,
que nous pouuons appeller le diable, ils le tiennent comme le principe
des choses mauuaises, il est vray qu'ils n'attribuent pas grande
malice au Manitou, mais à sa femme, qui est vne vraye diablesse: le
mary ne hait point les hommes, il se trouue seulement aux guerres, &
aux combats, & ceux qu'il regarde sont à couuert, les autres sont tués:
voila pourquoy mon hoste me disoit, qu'il prioit tous les iours ce
Manitou de ne point ietter les yeux sur les Hiroquois leurs ennemis, &
de leur en donner tousiours quelqu'vn en leurs guerres. Pour la femme
du Manitou, elle est [58] cause de toutes les maladies qui sont au
mõde, c'est elle qui tuë les hommes, autrement ils ne mouroient pas,
elle se repaist de leur chair, les rongeant interieurement, ce qui
faict qu'on les voit amaigrir en leurs maladies: elle a vne robe des
plus beaux cheueux des hommes & des femmes qu'elle tuë, elle paroist
quelquefois comme vn feu, on l'entend bien bruire comme vne flamme,
mais on ne sçauroit distinguer son langage: d'icy procedent à mon aduis
ces cris & ces hurlemens, & ces batements de tambours qu'ils font
alentour de leurs malades, voulans comme empescher cette diablesse de
venir dõner le coup de la mort: ce qu'elle faict si subtilement, qu'on
ne s'en peut defendre, car on ne la voit pas.

    Besides these foundations of things good, they recognize a Manitou,
    whom we may call the devil. They regard him as the origin of evil;
    it is true that they do not attribute great malice to the Manitou,
    but to his wife, who is a real she-devil. The husband does not
    hate men. He is only present in wars and combats, and those whom
    he looks upon are protected, the others are killed. So for this
    reason, my host told me that he prayed this Manitou every day
    not to cast his eyes upon the Hiroquois, their enemies, and to
    always give them some of them in their wars. As to the wife of the
    Manitou, she is [58] the cause of all the diseases which are in the
    world. It is she who kills men, otherwise they would not die; she
    feeds upon their flesh, gnawing them upon the inside, which causes
    them to become emaciated in their illnesses. She has a robe made of
    the most beautiful hair of the men and women whom she has killed;
    she sometimes appears like a fire; she can be heard roaring like
    a flame, but her language cannot be understood. From this, in my
    opinion, come those cries and howls, and those beatings of the drum
    which they make around their sick, as if to prevent this she-devil
    from giving the deathblow, which she does so secretly that no one
    can defend himself therefrom, for he does not see her.

Deplus, les Sauuages se persuadent que non seulement les hommes & les
autres animaux: mais aussi que toutes les autres choses sont animées,
& que toutes les ames sont immortelles, ils se figurent les ames comme
vn ombre de la chose animée, n'ayans iamais ouy parler d'vne chose
purement spirituelle, ils se representent l'ame de l'hõme, [59] comme
vne image sombre & noire, où comme vne ombre de l'homme mesme, luy
attribuant des pieds, des mains, vne bouche, vne teste, & toutes les
autres parties du corps humain. Voila pourquoy ils disent que les ames
boiuent & mangent, aussi leurs dõnent-ils à manger quand quelqu'vn
meurt, iettant la meilleure viãde qu'ils ayent dãs le feu, & souuẽt ils
m'ont dit qu'ils auoient trouué le matin de la viande rongée la nuict
par les ames. Or m'ayans declaré ce bel article de leur croyance, ie
leurs fis plusieurs interogations. Premierement, ou alloient ces ames
apres la mort de l'homme, & des autres creatures; elles vont, dirent
ils, fort loin, en vn grãd village situé où le Soleil se couche: Tout
vostre pays, leur dis-je (sçauoir est l'Amerique) est vne grande Isle,
comme vous tesmoignez l'auoir appris: comment est ce que les ames des
hommes, des animaux, des haches, des cousteaux, des chaudieres; bref
les ames de tout ce qui meurt, ou qui s'vse, peuuent passer l'eau
pour s'en aller à ce grand village que vous placez où le soleil se
couche, trouuent [60] elles des vaisseaux tous prests pour s'embarquer
& trauerser les eaux? non pas, mais elle vont à pied, me dirent-ils,
passants les eaux à gay en quelque endroict: & le moyen, leur fis-ie,
de passer à gay le grand Ocean que vous sçauez estre si profond,
car c'est cette grãde mer qui enuironne vostre pays, tu te trompe,
respondent-ils, où les terres sont conjointes en quelque endroict, ou
bien il y a quelque passage guayable par où passent nos ames: & de
faict nous apprenons que l'on n'a peu encore passer du costé du Nord,
c'est à cause (leur repartis-ie) des grãds froids qui sont en ces mers,
que si vos ames prẽnent cette route elles seront glacées & toutes
roides de froid, deuant qu'elles arriuent en leurs villages.

    Furthermore, the Savages persuade themselves that not only men and
    other animals, but also all other things, are endowed with souls,
    and that all the souls are immortal;[17] they imagine the souls
    as shadows of the animate objects; never having heard of anything
    purely spiritual, they represent the soul of man [59] as a dark
    and sombre image, or as a shadow of the man himself, attributing
    to it feet, hands, a mouth, a head, and all the other parts of
    the human body. Hence this is the reason that they say the souls
    drink and eat, and therefore they give them food when any one
    dies, throwing the best meat they have into the fire; and they
    have often told me that the next morning they find meat which has
    been gnawed during the night by the souls. Now, having declared to
    me this fine article of their faith, I propound to them several
    questions. "First, where do these souls go, after the death of man
    and other creatures?" "They go," they say, "very far away, to a
    large village situated where the Sun sets." "All your country," I
    say to them (meaning America), "is an immense Island, as you seem
    to know; how is it that the souls of men, of animals, of hatchets,
    of knives, of kettles,--in short, the souls of all things that die
    or that are used, can cross the water to go to this great village
    that you place where the sun sets? do they [60] find ships all
    ready to embark them and take them over the water?" "No, they go
    on foot," they answer me, "fording the water in some places." "And
    how," I respond; "can they ford the great Ocean which you know is
    so deep, for it is this great sea which surrounds your country?"
    "Thou art mistaken," they answer; "either the lands are united in
    some places, or there is some passage which is fordable over which
    our souls pass; and, indeed, we know that no one has yet been able
    to pass beyond the North coast." "It is because (I answer them) of
    the great cold in those seas, so that if your souls take this route
    they will be frozen and all stiff from cold, before they reach
    their villages."

Secondement ie leur demande, que mangeoient ces pauures ames, faisant
vn si long chemin, elles mangent des escorces, dirent-ils, & du vieux
bois qu'elles trouuent dans les forests, ie ne m'estonne pas, leur
respõdis-je, si vous auez si peur de la mort, & si vous la fuiez tant,
il n'y a guere de plaisir d'aller manger du vieux bois & des escorces
en l'autre vie.

    Secondly, I ask them, "What do these poor souls eat, making so
    long a journey?" "They eat bark," they said, "and old wood which
    they find in the forests." "I am not astonished," I replied, "that
    you are so afraid of death, that you shun it so greatly; there
    is hardly any pleasure in going and eating old wood and bark in
    another life."

[61] Tiercement. Que font ces ames estant arriuées au lieu de leur
demeure? pendant le iour elles sont assises tenans leur deux coudes sur
leur deux genoux, & leur testes entre leur deux mains, posture assés
ordinaire aux Sauuages malades: pendant la nuict elles vont & viennent,
elles trauaillent, elles vont à la chasse, ouy mais, repartis-ie, elles
ne voient goutte la nuict, tu es vn ignorant, tu n'as point d'esprit,
me firent ils, les ames ne sont pas comme nous, elles ne voyent goutte
pendant le iour, & voyent fort clair pendant la nuict, leur iour est
dans les tenebres de la nuict, & leur nuict dans la clarte du iour.

    [61] Thirdly: "What do these souls do when they arrive at their
    dwelling place?" "During the daytime, they are seated with their
    two elbows upon their two knees, and their heads between their two
    hands, the usual position of sick Savages; during the night, they
    go and come, they work, they go to the chase." "Oh, but they cannot
    see at all during the night," I rejoined. "Thou art an ignoramus,
    thou hast no sense," they answered; "souls are not like us, they do
    not see at all during the day, and see very clearly at night; their
    day is in the darkness of the night, and their night in the light
    of the day."

En quatriesme lieu, à quoy chassent ces pauures ames pendant la nuict?
elles chassent aux ames des Castors, des Porcs epics, des Eslans, &
des autres animaux, se seruãs de l'ame des raquettes, pour marcher sur
l'ame de la neige, qui est en ce pays là: bref elles se seruent des
ames de toutes choses, comme nous nous seruõs icy des choses mesmes.
Or quant elles ont tué l'ame d'vn Castor, ou d'vn autre animal, ceste
ame meurt elle tout a faict, ou bien a elle vne autre ame qui s'en
aille en quelque [62] autre village? Mon sorcier demeura court à cette
demande; & cõme il a de l'esprit, voyant qu'il s'alloit enferrer s'il
me respõdoit directemẽt, il esquiua le coup: car s'il m'eut dit que
l'ame mouroit entierrement, ie luy aurois dit que quand on tuoit
premierement l'animal, son ame mouroit à mesme temps: s'il m'eust dit
que ceste ame auoit vne ame qui s'en alloit en vn autre village, ie
luy eusse fait voir que chaque animal auroit selon sa doctrine plus de
vingt, voire plus de cent ames, & que le mõde deuoit estre remply de
ces villages où elles se retirent, & que cepẽdãt on n'en voyoit aucun.
Cognoissant dõc qu'il s'alloit engager, il me dit, tais toy, tu n'as
point d'esprit, tu demande des choses que tu ne sçais pas toy-mesme, si
i'auois esté en ces pays-là, ie te respondrois.

    "In the fourth place, what are these poor souls hunting during the
    night?" "They hunt for the souls of Beavers, Porcupines, Moose,
    and other animals, using the soul of the snowshoes to walk upon
    the soul of the snow, which is in yonder country; in short, they
    make use of the souls of all things, as we here use the things
    themselves." "Now, when they have killed the soul of a Beaver, or
    of another animal, does that soul die entirely, or has it another
    soul which goes to some [62] other village?" My sorcerer was
    nonplused by this question; and as he is quick-witted, he dodged
    the question, seeing that he was going to involve himself if he
    answered me directly; for if he had answered me that the soul would
    die entirely, I would have told him that when they first killed
    the animal its soul would have died at the same time; if he had
    answered that this soul had a soul which went away into another
    village, I would have shown him that every animal would have,
    according to his doctrine, more than twenty, indeed more than a
    hundred souls, and that the world would have to be full of these
    villages to which they withdrew, and yet no one had ever seen one
    of them. Recognizing that he was about to entangle himself, he said
    to me, "Be silent, thou hast no sense; thou askest things which
    thou dost not know thyself; if I had ever been in yonder country, I
    would answer thee."

En fin ie luy dis que les Europeans nauigeoient par tout le monde, ie
leur declaray, & leur fis voir par vne figure ronde, quel estoit le
pays où le soleil se couche à leur regard, l'asseurant qu'on n'auoit
point trouué ce grand village, que tout cela n'étoit que resueries, que
les ames des hommes seulement estoiẽt [63] immortelles, & que si elles
estoient bõnes, elles s'en alloient au ciel, que si elles estoient
meschantes, elles descendoient dans les enfers pour y estre brulées
à iamais, & que chacun receuroit selon ses œuures. En cela, dit-il,
vous mentez vous autres, d'assigner diuers endroicts pour les ames,
elles vont en vn mesme pays, du moins les nostres: car deux ames de
nos cõpatriotes sont reuenuë autresfois de ce grand village, & no⁹ ont
appris tout ce que ie t'ay dit, puis elles s'en retournerent en leur
demeure: ils appellent la voye lactée, _Tchipaï mesKenau_, le chemin
des ames, pource qu'ils pensent que les ames se guindent par cette voye
pour aller en ce grand village.

    At last, I told them that the Europeans navigated the whole world.
    I explained to them and made them see by a round figure what
    country it was where the sun sets according to their idea, assuring
    them that no one had ever found this great village, that all that
    was nothing but nonsense; that the souls of men alone were [63]
    immortal; and, that if they were good, they would go to heaven,
    and if they were bad they would descend into hell, there to burn
    forever; and that each one would receive according to his works.
    "In that," he said, "you lie, you people, in assigning different
    places for souls,--they go to the same country, at least, ours do;
    for the souls of two of our countrymen once returned from this
    great village, and explained to us all that I have told thee, then
    they returned to their dwelling place." They call the milky way,
    _Tchipaï meskenau_, the path of souls, because they think that the
    souls raise themselves through this way in going to that great
    village.

Ils ont en outre vne grande croyãce à leurs songes, s'imaginans que
ce qu'ils ont veu en dormant doit arriuer, & qu'ils doiuent executer
ce qu'ils ont resué: ce qui est vn grand malheur, car si vn Sauuage
songe qu'il mourra s'il ne me tuë, il me mettra à mort à la premiere
rencontre à l'escart. Nos Sauuages me demandoiẽt quasi tous les matins,
n'as-tu point veu de Castors, ou d'Orignac [64] en dormant: & cõme
ils voyoiẽt que ie me mocquois des songes, ils s'estonnoient, & me
demandoient à quoy crois-tu donc, si tu ne crois a tes songes? ie crois
en celuy qui a tout fait, & qui peut tout; tu n'as point d'esprit,
comment peus-tu croire en luy, si tu ne le vois pas? Ie serois trop
long de rapporter toutes les badineries sur ces sujects, reuenons à
leurs superstitions qui sont sans nombre.

    They have, besides, great faith in their dreams, imagining that
    what they have seen in their sleep must happen, and that they
    must execute whatever they have thus imagined. This is a great
    misfortune, for if a Savage dreams that he will die if he does not
    kill me, he will take my life the first time he meets me alone. Our
    Savages ask almost every morning, "Hast thou not seen any Beavers
    or Moose, [64] while sleeping?" And when they see that I make sport
    of their dreams, they are astonished and ask me, "What does thou
    believe then, if thou dost not believe in thy dream?" "I believe
    in him who has made all things, and who can do all things." "Thou
    hast no sense, how canst thou believe in him, if thou hast not seen
    him?" It would take too long to relate all their silly ideas upon
    these subjects; let us return to their superstitions, which are
    numberless.

Les Sauuages sont grands chanteurs, ils chantent comme la pluspart
des nations de la terre par recreation, & par deuotion; c'est à
dire en eux par superstition: Les airs qu'ils chantent par plaisir
sont ordinairement graues & pesants, il me semble qu'ils ont par
fois quelque chose de gay, notamment les filles: mais pour la
pluspart, leurs chansons sont massiues, pour ainsi dire, sombres, &
malplaisantes: ils ne sçauent que c'est d'assembler des accorts pour
composer vne douce harmonie. Ils proferent peu de paroles en chantant,
variants les tons, & non la lettre. I'ay souuent ouy mon Sauuage faire
vne longue chanson de ces trois mots K_aie_, _nir_, k_higatoutaouim_,
[65] & tu feras aussi quelque chose pour moy: Ils disent que nous
imitons les gazoüillis des oyseaux en nos airs, ce qu'ils n'improuuent
pas, prenans plaisir quasi tous tant qu'ils sont à chanter, ou à
ouïr chanter, & quoy que ie leur die que ie n'y entendois rien, ils
m'inuitoient souuent à entonner quelque air, ou quelque priere.

    The Savages are great singers: they sing, as do most of the nations
    of the earth, for recreation and for devotion, which, with them,
    means superstition. The tunes which they sing for pleasure are
    usually grave and heavy. It seems to me that occasionally they sing
    something gay, especially the girls, but for the most part, their
    songs are heavy, so to speak, sombre and unpleasant; they do not
    know what it is to combine chords to compose a sweet harmony. They
    use few words in singing, varying the tones, and not the words.
    I have often heard my Savage make a long song with these three
    words, _Kaie_, _nir_, _khigatoutaouim_, [65] "And thou wilt also do
    something for me." They say that we imitate the warbling of birds
    in our tunes, which they do not disapprove, as they nearly all take
    pleasure both in singing and in hearing others sing: and although I
    told them that I did not understand anything about it, they often
    invited me to sing some song or prayer.

Pour leurs chãts superstitieux, ils s'en seruent en mille actions, le
sorcier & ce viellard, dont i'ay parlé, m'en donnerent la raison: deux
Sauuages, disoient ils, estans jadis fort desolés, se voyans à deux
doigts de la mort faute de viure, furent aduertis de chanter, & qu'ils
seroient secourus; ce qui arriua, car ayans chanté, ils trouuerent à
manger: de dire qui leur donna cest aduis, & comment, ils n'en sçauent
rien: quoy que s'en soit, depuis ce temps là toute leur religion
consiste quasi à chanter, se seruans des mots les plus barbares qu'ils
peuuent rencontrer: Voicy vne partie des paroles qu'ils chanterent en
vne longue superstition qui dura plus de quatre heures, _Aiasé manitou,
aiasé manitou, aiasé manitou, ahiham, hehinham,_ [67 i.e., 66] _hanhan,
henina_k_hé hosé henina_K_hé, enigouano bahano anihé ouibini naninaouai
nanahouai nanahouai aouihé ahahé aouihé_: Pour conclusion, _ho! ho!
ho!_ Ie demanday que vouloient dire ces parolles, pas vn ne m'en peut
donner l'interpretation: car il est vray que pas vn d'eux n'entend ce
qu'il chante, sinon dans leurs airs, qu'ils chantent pour se recréer.

    As for their superstitious songs, they use them for a thousand
    purposes, for which the sorcerer and that old man, of whom I have
    spoken, have given me the reason. Two Savages, they told me, being
    once in great distress, seeing themselves within two finger-lengths
    of death for want of food, were advised to sing, and they would be
    relieved; and so it happened, for when they had sung, they found
    something to eat. As to who gave them this advice, and how it
    was given, they know nothing; however, since that time all their
    religion consists mainly in singing, using the most barbarous
    words that come into their minds. The following are some of the
    words that they sang in a long superstitious rite which lasted
    more than four hours: _Aiasé manitou, aisé manitou, aiasé manitou,
    ahiham, hehinham,_ [67 i.e., 66] _hanhan, heninakhé hosé heninakhé,
    enigouano bahano anihé ouibini naninaouai nanahouai nanahouai
    aouihé ahahé aouihé_; concluding with _ho! ho! ho!_ I asked what
    these words meant, but not one could interpret them to me; for it
    is true that not one of them understands what he is singing, except
    in the tunes which they sing for recreation.

Ils joignent leurs tambours à leurs chants, ie demanday l'origine de
ce tambour, le veillard me dit, que peut estre quelqu'vn auoit eu en
songe qu'il estoit bon de s'en seruir, & que de là l'vsage s'en estoit
ensuiuy. Ie croirois plustost qu'ils auroient tiré cette superstition
des peuples voisins, car on me dit (ie ne sçay s'il est vraiy) qu'ils
imitent fort les Canadiens qui habitent vers Gaspé, peuple encore plus
superstitieux que celuy-cy.

    They accompany their songs with drums. I asked the origin of this
    drum, and the old man told me that perhaps some one had dreamed
    that it was a good thing to have, and thus it had come into use. I
    thought it most probable they had derived this superstition from
    the neighboring tribes; for I am told (I do not know how true it
    is) they imitate to a great degree the Canadians who live toward
    Gaspé, a tribe still more superstitious than those of this country.

Au reste, ce tambour est de la grandeur d'vn tambour de basque, il
est composé d'vn cercle large de trois ou quatres doigts, & de deux
peaux roidement estenduës de part & d'autre: ils mettent dedans des
petites pierres ou [68 i.e., 67] petits callious pour faire plus de
bruit: le diametre des plus grands tambours est de deux palmes ou
enuiron, ils le nomment _chichigouan_, & le verbe _nipigahiman_,
signifie ie fais ioüer ce tambour: ils ne se battent pas comme font
nos Europeans: mais ils le tournent & remuent, pour faire bruire les
caillous qui sont dedans, ils en frappent le terre, tantost du bord,
tantost quasi du plat, pendant que le sorcier fait mille singeries
auec cest instrument. Souuent les assistans ont des batons en mains,
frappant tous ensemble sur des bois, ou manches de haches qu'ils ont
deuant eux, ou sur leurs _ouragans_, c'est à dire, sur leurs plats
d'escorce renuersés: Auec ces tintamarres, ils ioignent leurs chants &
leurs cris, ie dirois volontiers leurs hurlements, tant ils s'efforcent
par fois, ie vous laisse à penser la belle musique: ce miserable
sorcier auec lequel mon hoste, & le renegat, m'ont fait hiuerner contre
leurs promesses, m'a pensé faire perdre la teste auec ses tintamarres:
car tous les iours à l'entrée de la nuict, & bien souuent sur la
minuict, d'autrefois [68] sur le iour il faisoit l'enragé. I'ay esté
vn assez long temps malade parmy eux, mais quoy que ie le priasse de
se moderer, de me donner vn peu de repos, il en faisoit encore pis,
esperant trouuer sa guerison dans ces bruits qui augmentoient mon mal.

    As to this drum, it is the size of a tambourine, and is composed
    of a circle three or four finger-lengths in diameter, and of two
    skins stretched tightly over it on both sides; they put inside
    some little pebbles or [68 i.e., 67] stones, in order to make
    more noise; the diameter of the largest drums is of the size of
    two palms or thereabout; they call it _chichigouan_, and the verb
    _nipagahiman_ means, "I make this drum sound." They do not strike
    it, as do our Europeans; but they turn and shake it, to make the
    stones rattle inside; they strike it upon the ground, sometimes
    its edge and sometimes its face, while the sorcerer plays a
    thousand apish tricks with this instrument. Often the spectators
    have sticks in their hands and all strike at once upon pieces of
    wood, or upon hatchet handles which they have before them, or upon
    their _ouragans_; that is to say, upon their bark plates turned
    upside down. To this din they add their songs and their cries, I
    might indeed say their howls, so much do they exert themselves at
    times; I leave you to imagine this beautiful music. This miserable
    sorcerer with whom my host and the renegade made me pass the
    winter, contrary to their promise, almost made me lose my head with
    his uproar; for every day,--toward nightfall, and very often toward
    midnight, at other times [68] during the day,--he acted like a
    madman. For quite a long time I was sick among them, and although I
    begged him to moderate a little and to give me some rest, he acted
    still worse, hoping to find his cure in these noises which only
    made me worse.

Ils se seruent de ces chants, de ce tambour, & de ces bruits, ou
tintamarres en leurs maladies, ie le declaray assez amplement l'an
passé, mais depuis ce temps là, i'ay veu tant faire de sottises, de
niaiseries, de badineries, de bruits, de tintamarres à ce malheureux
sorcier pour se pouuoir guerir, que ie me lasserois d'escrire &
ennuierois vostre reuerence, si ie luy voulois faire lire la dixiesme
partie de ce qui m'a souuent lassé, quasi iusques au dernier poinct.
Par fois cest homme entroit comme en furie, chantant, criant hurlant,
faisant bruire son tambour de toutes ses forces: cependant les autres
hurloient comme luy, & faisoient vn tintamarre horrible auec leurs
bastõs, frappans sur ce qui estoit deuant eux: ils faisoient danser
des ieunes enfans, puis des filles, puis des femmes; il baissoit [69]
la teste, souffloit sur son tambour: puis vers le feu, il siffloit
comme vn serpent, il ramenoit son tambour soubs son menton, l'agitant
& le tournoyant: il en frappoit la terre de toutes ses forces, puis
le tournoyoit sur son estomach: il se fermoit la bouche auec vne main
renuersée, & de l'autre, vous eussiez dit qu'il vouloit mettre en
pieces ce tambour, tant il en frappoit rudement la terre: il s'agitoit,
il se tournoit de part & d'autre, faisoit quelques tours à l'entour
du feu, sortoit hors la cabane, tousiours hurlant & bruyant: il se
mettoit en mille postures; & tout cela pour se guerir. Voila comme ils
traictent les malades. I'ay quelque croyance qu'ils veulent coniurer la
maladie, ou espouuanter la femme du Manitou, qu'ils tiennent pour le
principe & la cause de tous les maux, comme i'ay remarqué cy dessus.

    They make use of these songs, of this drum, and of this noise or
    uproar, in their sicknesses. I explained it quite fully last year;
    but since that time I have seen so much foolishness, nonsense,
    absurdity, noise, and din made by this wretched sorcerer in
    order to cure himself, that I should become weary in writing and
    would tire your reverence, if I should try to make you read the
    tenth part of what has often wearied me almost beyond endurance.
    Occasionally this man would enter as if in a fury, singing, crying
    and howling, making his drum rattle with all his might; while the
    others howled as loudly as he, and made a horrible din with their
    sticks, striking upon whatever was before them; they made the
    little children dance, then the girls, then the women; he lowered
    [69] his head and blew upon his drum, then blew toward the fire; he
    hissed like a serpent, drew his drum under his chin, shaking and
    turning it about; he struck the ground with it with all his might,
    then turned it upon his stomach; he closed his mouth with the back
    of one hand, and then with the other; you would have said that he
    wanted to break the drum to pieces, he struck it so hard upon the
    ground; he shook it, he turned it from one side to the other, and,
    running around the fire several times, he went out of the cabin,
    continuing to howl and bellow; he struck a thousand attitudes, and
    all this was done to cure himself. This is the way they treat their
    sick. I am inclined to think that they wish to conjure the disease,
    or to frighten the wife of Manitou, whom they hold as the origin
    and cause of all evils, as I have said above.

Ils chantent encore & font ces bruits en leurs sueries, ils croiroient
que cette medecine, qui est la meilleure de toutes, celles qu'ils
ont, ne leur seruiroit de rien, s'ils ne chantoient en suant: Ils
plantent des bastons en terre faisants [60 i.e., 70] vne espece de
petit tabernacle fort bas: car vn grand homme estant assis là dedans,
toucheroit de sa teste le hault de ce todis, qu'ils entourent &
couurent de peaux, de robes, de couuertures: Ils mettent dans ce four
quantité de grosses pierres qu'il[s] ont faict chauffer, & rougir dans
vn bon feu, puis se glissent tous nuds dans ces estuues, les femmes
suent par fois aussi bien que les hommes: d'autrefois ils suent tous
ensemble, hommes, & femme pesle & mesle: ils chantent, ils crient,
ils hurlent dans ce four, ils haranguent: par fois le sorcier y bat
son tambour. Ie l'escoutois vne fois comme il faisoit du prophete là
dedans, s'escriant qu'il voyoit des Orignaux, que mon hoste son frere
en tueroit, ie ne peus me tenir que ie ne luy disse, ou plustost à ceux
qui estoient presens, & qui luy prestoient l'oreille comme à vn oracle,
qu'il estoit bien croyable qu'on trouueroit quelque masle, puisque on
auoit desia trouué & tué deux femelles, luy cognoissant où ie visois,
me dit en grondant, il est [61 i.e., 71] croyable que cette robe noire
n'a point d'esprit: Ils sont tellement religieux en ces crieries, &
autres niaiseries, que s'ils font sueries pour se guerir, ou pour auoir
bonne chasse, ou pour auoir beau temps, rien ne se feroit s'ils ne
chantoient, & s'ils ne gardoient ces superstitions. I'ay remarqué que
quand les hommes suent, ils ne se veulent point seruir des robes des
femmes pour entourer leur sueries, s'ils en peuuent auoir d'autres:
bref quand ils ont crié trois heures ou enuiron dans ces estuues, ils
en sortent tous mouillés & trempés de leur sueur.

    They sing and make these noises also in their sweating operations.
    They believe that this medicine, which is the best of all they
    have, would be of no use whatever to them if they did not sing
    during the sweat. They plant some sticks in the ground, making
    [60 i.e., 70] a sort of low tent, for, if a tall man were seated
    therein, his head would touch the top of this hut, which they
    enclose and cover with skins, robes, and blankets. They put in this
    dark room a number of heavy stones which they have had heated and
    made red-hot in a good fire, then they slip entirely naked into
    these sweat boxes. The women occasionally sweat as well as the men.
    Sometimes they sweat all together, men and women, pellmell. They
    sing, cry and groan in this oven, and make speeches: occasionally
    the sorcerer beats his drum there. I heard him once acting the
    prophet therein, crying out that he saw Moose; that my host, his
    brother, would kill some. I could not refrain from telling him,
    or rather those who were present and listened to him as if to an
    oracle, that it was indeed quite probable that they would find
    a male, since they had already found and killed two females.
    When he understood what I was driving at, he said to me sharply,
    "Believe [61 i.e., 71] me, this black robe has no sense." They are
    so superstitious in these uproars and in their other nonsense,
    that if they have sweats in order to cure themselves, or to have
    a good hunt, or to have fine weather, [they think] nothing would
    be accomplished if they did not sing, and if they did not observe
    these superstitions. I have noticed that, when the men sweat,
    they do not like to use women's robes with which to enclose their
    sweat boxes, if they can have any others. In short, when they have
    shouted for three hours or thereabout in these stoves, they emerge
    completely wet and covered with their sweat.

Ils chantent encore & battent le tambour en leur festins, comme ie
declareray au chapitre de leurs banquets: ie leur ay veu faire le mesme
en leurs conseils, y entremeslant d'autres iongleries: Pour moy ie me
doute que le sorcier en inuente tous les iours de nouuelles pour tenir
son monde en haleine: & pour se rendre recommandable: ie luy vis vn
certain iour prẽdre vne espée, la mettre la pointe en bas, le manche
en hault (car leurs espées [72] sont emmanchées à vn long baston) il
mit vne hache proche de cette espée, se leu[a] debout, fit ioüer son
tambour, chanta hurla à son accoustumée, il fit quelques mines de
dancer, tourna à l'entour du feu: puis se cachant, il tira vn bonnet
de nuict, dans lequel il y auoit vne pierre à esguiser, il la met dans
vne cullier de bois, qu'on essuya exprés pour cest effect, il fit
allumer vn flambeau d'escorce, puis donna de main en main le flambeau,
la cueiller, & la pierre, qui estoit marquée de quelques raies, la
regardans tous les vns apres les autres, philosophant à mon aduis sur
cette pierre, touchant leur chasse, qui estoit le subiect de leur
conseil ou assemblée.

    They also sing and beat drums in their feasts, as I shall explain
    in the chapter upon their banquets. I have seen them do the same
    thing in their councils, mingling therein other juggleries. For
    my part, I suspect that the sorcerer invents every day some new
    contrivance to keep his people in a state of agitation, and to
    make himself popular. One day I saw him take a javelin and turn
    the point down and the handle up (for their javelins [72] have a
    long stick for a handle); he placed a hatchet near this javelin,
    stood up, pounded on his drum, uttered his usual howls, pretended
    to dance, and walked around the fire. Then, concealing himself,
    he drew out a nightcap, in which there was a whetstone which he
    placed in a spoon made of wood, which had been wiped expressly for
    this purpose; then he lighted a bark torch, and passed from hand
    to hand the torch, the spoon, and the stone, which was marked with
    stripes,--all examining it attentively, one after the other, and
    philosophizing, as it seemed to me, over this stone, in regard to
    their chase, which was the subject of their council or assembly.

Ces pauures ignorants chantent aussi dans leurs peines, dans leurs
difficultez, dans leurs perils & dangers: pendant le temps de nostre
famine, ie n'entendois par ces cabanes, notãment la nuict, que chants,
que cris, battements de tambours, & autres bruits: & demandant ce que
c'estoit, mes gens me disoient qu'ils faisoient [73] cela pour auoir
bonne chasse, & pour trouuer à manger, leurs chants & leurs tambours
passent encore dans les sortileges que font les sorciers.

    These poor wretches sing also in their sufferings, in their
    difficulties, in their perils and dangers. During the time of our
    famine, I heard nothing throughout these cabins, especially at
    night, except songs, cries, beating of drums and other noises; when
    I asked what this meant, my people told me that they did [73] it
    in order to have a good chase, and to find something to eat. Their
    songs and their drums also play a part in the witchcraft of the
    sorcerers.

Il faut que ie couche icy, ce que ie leurs vis faire le douxiesme
Feurier, comme ie recitois mes heures sur le soir, le sorcier se mit à
parler de moy _aïamtheou_, il fait ses prieres, dit-il: puis prononçant
quelques paroles, que ie n'entendis pas, il adiousta _Niganipahau_; ie
le tueray aussi tost: la pensée me vint qu'il parloit de moy, veu qu'il
me haïssoit pour plusieurs raisons, comme ie diray en son lieu: mais
notamment pource ce que ie taschois de faire veoir que tout ce qu'il
faisoit n'estoit que badinerie & puerilité: Sur cette pensée qu'il me
vouloit oster la vie, mon hoste me va dire, n'as tu point de poudre
qui tuë les hommes? pourquoy, luy dis-ie, ie veux tuer quelqu'vn,
me respond il? ie vous laisse à penser si i'acheuay mon office sans
distraction, veu que ie sçauois fort bien qu'ils n'auoient garde de
faire mourir aucun de leurs gens, & que le sorcier m'auoit menacé de
mort [74] quelques iours auparauant, quoy qu'en riant, me dit il apres:
mais ie ne m'y fiois pas beaucoup, voyant donc ces gens en action, ie
r'entre dans moy-mesme, suppliant nostre Seigneur de m'assister, & de
prendre ma vie au moment & en la façon, qu'il luy plairoit: neantmoins
pour me mieux disposer à ce sacrifice, ie voulus voir s'ils pensoient
en moy, ie leur demanday donc où estoit l'homme qu'ils vouloient faire
mourir, ils me repartent qu'il estoit vers Gaspé à plus de cens lieuës
de nous. Ie me mis à rire, car en verité ie n'eusse iamais pensé qu'ils
eussent entrepris de tuer vn homme de cens lieuës loin. Ie m'enquis
pourquoy ils luy vouloient oster la vie. On me respondit que cest homme
estoit vn sorcier Canadien, lequel ayant eu quelque prise auec le
nostre, l'auoit menacé de mort, & luy auoit donné la maladie, qui le
trauailloit depuis vn long temps, & qui l'alloit estouffer dans deux
iours, s'il ne preuenoit le coup par son art: ie leurs dis que Dieu
auoit deffendu de tuer, & que nous autres, ne faisions mourir personne:
cela n'empescha point [75] qu'ils ne poursuiuissent leur pointe. Mon
hoste preuoiant le grand bruit qui se deuoit faire, me dit, tu auras
mal à la teste, va-t en en l'autre cabane voisine: non, dit le sorcier,
il n'y a point de mal qu'il nous voye faire. On fit sortir tous les
enfans & toutes les femmes, horsmis vne qui s'assit aupres du sorcier:
Ie demeuray donc spectateur de leurs mysteres, auec tous les Sauuages
des autres cabanes qu'on fit venir: Estans tous assis, voicy vn ieune
homme qui apporte deux paux ou pieux fort pointus, mon hoste prepare
le sort composé de petits bois formez en langue de serpẽt des deux
costez, de fers de flesches, de morceaux de cousteaux rompus, d'vn fer
replié comme vn gros hameçon, & d'autres choses semblables, on enuelopa
tout cela dans vn morceau de cuir: Cela fait, le sorcier prend son
tambour, tous se mettent à chanter & hurler, & faire le tintamarre que
i'ay remarqué cy dessus: apres quelques chansons, la femme qui estoit
demeurée se leue, & tourne tout à l'entour de la cabane par dedans,
passant par deriere le [76] dos de tous tant que nous estions. S'estant
rassisse, le magicien prend ces deux pieux, puis designant certain
endroit, commence à dire; voila sa teste (ie crois qu'il entendoit de
l'homme qu'il vouloit tuer) puis de toutes ces forces, il plante ces
pieux en terre, les faisant regarder vers l'endroict, où il croioit
qu'estoit ce Canadien. Là dessus mon hoste va ayder son frere, il
fait vne assez grande fosse en terre auec ces pieux: cependant les
chants & autres bruits continuoient incessemment. La fosse faite, les
pieux plantez, le valet du sorcier, i'entens l'Apostat, va querir vne
espée, & le sorcier en frappe l'vn de ces paux, puis descend dans la
fosse, tenant la posture d'vn homme animé qui tire de grands coups
d'espée & de poignard; car il auoit l'vn & l'autre dans cette action
d'homme furieux & enragé. Le sorcier prend le sort enuelopé de peau,
le met dans la fosse, & redouble les coups d'espée à mesme temps qu'on
redoubloit le tintamarre.

    I must set down here what I saw them do on the twelfth of February.
    As I was reciting my hours, toward evening, the sorcerer began to
    talk about me: _aiamtheou_, "He is making his prayers;" then,
    pronouncing some words which I did not understand, he added:
    _Niganipahau_, "I will kill him at once." The thought occurred to
    me that he was speaking of me, seeing that he hated me for several
    reasons, as I shall state in the proper place; but especially
    because I tried to show that all he did was mere nonsense and
    child's play. Just as I was thinking that he wanted to take my
    life, my host said to me, "Hast thou not some powder that kills
    men?" "Why?" I asked. "I want to kill some one," he answered me.
    I leave you to imagine whether I finished my prayers without any
    distraction; for I knew very well that they were disinclined to
    kill any of their own people, and that the sorcerer had threatened
    me with death [74] some days before,--although only in jest, as
    he told me afterward; but I did not have much confidence in him.
    Now seeing these people bustling about, I retired within myself,
    supplicating our Lord to help me, and to take my life at the moment
    and in whatever manner would be pleasing to him. Nevertheless, to
    better prepare myself for this sacrifice, I wished to learn if they
    had me in mind, and so I asked them where the man was that they
    wished to kill; they answered me that he was in the neighborhood of
    Gaspé, more than a hundred leagues away from us. I began to laugh,
    for in truth I had never dreamed that they would undertake to kill
    a man a hundred leagues away. I inquired why they wished to take
    his life. They answered that this man was a Canadian sorcerer,
    who, having had some trouble with ours, had threatened him with
    death and had given him the disease from which he had suffered
    so long, and which was going to consume him in two days, if he
    did not prevent the stroke by his art. I told them that God had
    forbidden murder, and that we never killed people; that did not
    prevent them [75] from pursuing their purpose. My host, foreseeing
    the great commotion which was about to take place, said to me,
    "Thou wilt have the headache; go off into one of the other cabins
    near by." "No," said the sorcerer, "there will be no harm in his
    seeing what we do." They had all the children and women go out,
    except one who sat near the sorcerer; I remained as a spectator
    of their mysteries, with all the Savages of the other cabins, who
    were summoned. All being seated, a young man comes bearing two
    pickets, or very sharply-pointed sticks; my host prepares the
    charm, composed of little pieces of wood shaped at both ends like
    a serpent's tongue, iron arrow-points, pieces of broken knives,
    bits of iron bent like a big fishhook, and other similar things;
    all these are wrapped in a piece of leather. When this is done, the
    sorcerer takes his drum, all begin to chant and howl, and to make
    the uproar of which I spoke above; after a few songs, the woman
    who had remained arises, and goes all around the inside of the
    cabin, passing behind the [76] backs of the people who are there.
    When she is reseated, the magician takes these two stakes; then,
    pointing out a certain place, begins by saying, "Here is his head,"
    (I believe he meant the head of the man whom he wished to kill);
    then with all his might he drives these stakes into the ground,
    inclining them toward the place where he believed this Canadian
    was. Thereupon my host comes to assist his brother; he makes a
    tolerably deep ditch in the ground with these stakes; meanwhile
    the songs and other noises continue incessantly. The ditch made
    and the stakes planted, the servant of the sorcerer, I mean the
    Apostate, goes in search of a sword, and the sorcerer strikes with
    it one of these pickets; then he descends into the ditch, assuming
    the posture of an excited man who is striking heavy blows with the
    sword and poniard; for he has both, in this act of a furious and
    enraged man. The sorcerer takes the charm wrapped in skin, puts it
    in the ditch, and redoubles his sword-cuts at the same time that
    they increase the uproar.

En fin ce mystere cessa, il retire l'espée & le poignard tout
ensanglanté, les iette deuant les autres Sauuages; on recouure [77]
viste la fosse, & le magicien tout glorieux, dit que son homme est
frappé, qu'il mourra bien tost, demande si on n'a point entendu ses
cris: tout le monde dit que non, horsmis deux ieunes hommes ses parens,
qui disent auoir ouy des plaintes fort sourdes, & comme de loing. O
qu'ils le firent aise, se tournant vers moy, il se mit a rire, disant,
voyez cette robe noire qui nous vient dire qu'il ne faut tuer personne:
Comme ie regardois attentiuement l'espée & le poignard; il me les fit
presenter, regarde, dit-il, qu'est cela; c'est du sang, repartis-je, de
qui? de quelque Orignac ou d'autre animal, ils se mocquerent de moy,
disants que c'estoit du sang de ce Sorcier de Gaspé; comment, dis je,
il est à plus de cent lieuës d'icy? il est vray font-ils, mais c'est
le Manitou, c'est à dire le Diable, qui apporte son sang pardessous la
terre. Or si c'est hõme est vrayement Magicien, ie m'en rapporte, pour
moy i'estime qu'il n'est ny Sorcier ny Magicien, mais qu'il le voudroit
bien estre: tout ce qu'il faict selon ma pensée n'est que badinerie,
[78] pour amuser les Sauuages, il voudroit bien auoir communication
auec le Diable ou Manitou, mais ie ne crois pas qu'il en ait: si bien
me persuaday-je, qu'il y a eu icy quelque Sorcier, ou quelque Magicien
s'il est vray ce qu'ils disent des maladies & des guerisons, dont
ils me parlent: c'est chose estrange, que le Diable qui apparoist
sensiblement aux Ameriquains Meridionaux, & qui les bat & les tourmente
de telle sorte, qu'ils se voudroient bien deffaire d'vn tel hoste, ne
se communique point visiblement ny sensiblement à nos Sauuages, selon
ce que ie crois. Ie sçais qu'il y a des personnes d'opinion contraire,
croyans aux rapports de ces Barbares, mais quand ie les presse, ils
m'aduoüent tous, qu'ils n'ont rien veu de tout ce qu'ils disent, mais
seulement qu'ils l'ont oüy dire à d'autres.

    Finally, this mystery ends, and he draws out the sword and the
    poniard all covered with blood, and throws them down before the
    other Savages; the ditch [77] is hurriedly covered up, and the
    magician boastfully asserts that his man is struck, that he will
    soon die, and asks if they have not heard his cries; they all say
    "no," except two young men, relatives of his, who say they have
    heard some very dull sounds, and as if far away. Oh, how glad they
    make him! Turning toward me, he begins to laugh, saying, "See this
    black robe, who comes here to tell us that we must not kill any
    one." As I am looking attentively at the sword and the poniard,
    he has them presented to me. "Look," he says, "what is that?" "It
    is blood," I answer, "of what? Of some Moose or other animal."
    They laugh at me, saying that it is the blood of that Sorcerer of
    Gaspé. "How?" I answer them, "he is more than a hundred leagues
    away from here." "It is true," they reply, "but it is the Manitou;
    that is, the Devil, who carries his blood under the earth." Now if
    this man is really a Magician, I leave you to decide; for my part,
    I consider that he is neither Sorcerer nor Magician, but that he
    would like very much to be one. All that he does, according to my
    opinion, is nothing but nonsense [78] to amuse the Savages. He
    would like to have communication with the Devil or Manitou, but I
    do not think that he has. Yet I am persuaded that there has been
    some Sorcerer or Magician here, if what they tell me is true about
    diseases and cures which they describe to me; it is a strange
    thing, in my opinion, that the Devil, who is visible to the South
    Americans, and who so beats and torments them that they would like
    to get rid of such a guest, does not communicate himself visibly
    and sensibly to our Savages. I know that there are persons of
    contrary opinion, who believe in the reports of these Barbarians;
    but, when I urge them, they all admit that they have seen nothing
    of that of which they speak, but that they have only heard it
    related by others.

Ce n'est pas le mesme des Ameriquains Meridionaux, nos Europeans ont
oüy le bruit, la voix & les coups que ruë le Diable sur ces pauures
esclaues: & vn François digne de creance, [79] m'a asseuré l'auoir oüy
de ses oreilles: surquoy on me rapporte vne chose tres remarquable,
c'est que le Diable s'enfuit, & ne frappe point ou cesse de frapper
ces miserables, quand vn Catholique entre en leur compagnie, & qu'il
ne laisse point de les battre en la presence d'vn Huguenot, d'où vient
qu'vn iour se voyans battus en la compagnie d'vn certain François,
ils luy dirent, nous nous estonnons que le diable nous batte, toy
estant auec nous, veu qu'il n'oseroit le faire quand tes compagnons
sont presents. Luy se douta incontinent que cela pouuoit prouenir de
sa religion, (car il estoit Caluiniste) s'adressant donc à Dieu, il
luy promist de se faire Catholique si le diable cessoit de battre
ces pauures peuples en sa presẽce: Le vœu fait, iamais plus aucun
Demon ne molesta Amariquain en sa compagnie, d'où vient qu'il se fist
Catholique, selon la promesse qu'il en auoit faicte; mais retournons à
nostre discours. I'ay veu deux autrefois faire les mesmes sortileges à
nostre Magicien pretendu, & [80] garda toutes les ceremonies susdites,
horsmis qu'il changea de sort, car vne fois il se seruit de quatre
bastons faits en forme de fuseaux à filer, sinon qu'ils estoient plus
gros, & qu'ils auoient comme des dents en certains endroits: Il se
seruit encore du bout de la queuë & du pied d'vn Porc épic, & quelques
poils d'Orignac, ou de Porc épic, liez ensemble en petit faisseau:
l'autrefois il se seruit encore de ces fuseaux, d'vn pied de Porc
épic, ou d'vn autre animal, d'os de quelque beste, d'vn fer semblable,
& celuy qu'õ attache à vne porte pour la tirer, & de quelques autres
badineries: son valet le renegat luy tenant tout cela prest, & battant
le tambour pendant que son Maistre estoit occupé dans la fosse. Voila
vne partie des actions esquelles se retrouuent leurs chants, leurs
cris, hurlemens & tintamarres.

    Among the South Americans it is different. Our Europeans have
    heard the noise, the voice, and the blows that the Devil deals to
    these poor slaves, and a Frenchman, worthy of belief, [79] has
    assured me that he heard it with his own ears. In regard to this,
    a very remarkable thing is reported to me; it is that the Devil
    takes flight, and does not strike or else ceases to strike these
    wretches, when a Catholic enters their company, and that he does
    not cease to strike them in the presence of a Huguenot. From this
    it happened that, one day, seeing themselves being beaten in the
    presence of a Frenchman, they said to him, "We are astonished that
    the devil beats us when thou art with us, seeing that he does not
    dare to do it when thy companions are here." It suddenly occurred
    to him that this might come from his religion (for he was a
    Calvinist); so, addressing himself to God, he promised to become
    a Catholic if the devil ceased beating these poor people in his
    presence. After this vow was made, never afterward did any Demon
    molest an American in his company, on account of which he became a
    Catholic according to his promise. But let us return to our story.
    I have seen our pretended Magician perform the same witchcraft
    on two other occasions. [80] He observed all the above mentioned
    ceremonies, except that he changed the charm, for once he made use
    of four sticks made in the shape of spindles, except that they were
    heavier, and that they had something like teeth in certain places.
    Also he used the end of the tail and the foot of a Porcupine, and
    some hairs of the Moose and of the Porcupine, bound together in a
    little sheaf. Another time he used these spindles also, and a foot
    of the Porcupine or of another animal, the bone of some beast, an
    iron similar to that which they fasten to a door to pull it open,
    and some other absurd things. His servant, the renegade, held all
    these things ready for him, and beat the drum while his Master was
    occupied in the ditch. These are a part of their actions, among
    which are mingled their songs, their cries, their howls and uproar.

Leur Religiõ, ou plustost superstitiõ, consiste encore à prier: mais, ô
mon Dieu! quelles oraisons font ils? Le matin les petits enfans sortans
de la Cabane, s'escrient à pleine teste, _Cacoua_k_hi_ [81] _Pa_k_hais
Amiscoua_k_hi, Pa_k_hais Mousoua_K_hi, Pa_k_hais_: venez Porcs épics,
venez Castors, venez Elans, voila toutes leurs prieres.

    Their Religion, or rather their superstition, consists besides in
    praying; but O, my God, what prayers they make! In the morning,
    when the little children come out from their Cabins, they shout,
    _Cacouakhi,_ [81] _Pakhais Amiscouakhi, Pakhais Mousouakhi,
    Pakhais_, "Come, Porcupines; come, Beavers; come, Elk;" and this is
    all of their prayers.

Les Sauuages eternuans, & quelquefois mesme en autre temps, disent
pendant l'Hiuer, criants tout haut _Etouctaian miraouinam an
Mirouscami_K_hi_, ie serois bien aise de voir le Printemps.

    When the Savages sneeze, and sometimes even at other times, during
    the Winter, they cry out in a loud voice, _Etouctaiau miraouinam an
    Mirouscamikhi_, "I shall be very glad to see the Spring."

D'autrefois ie leur ay oüy demãder le Printemps, ou la deliurance du
mauuais, & autres choses semblables; & tout cela se faict par desirs
qu'ils expriment, criants tant qu'ils peuuent, ie serois bien aise que
ce iour continuast, que le vent se changeast, &c. De dire à qui ces
souhaits s'adressent, ie ne sçaurois, car eux mesmes ne le sçauent pas,
du moins ceux à qui ie l'ay demandé ne m'en ont pû instruire.

    At other times, I have heard them pray for the Spring, or for
    deliverance from evils and other similar things; and they express
    all these things in the form of desires, crying out as loudly as
    they can, "I would be very glad if this day would continue, if the
    wind would change," etc. I could not say to whom these wishes are
    addressed, for they themselves do not know, at least those whom I
    have asked have not been able to enlighten me.

I'ay remarqué cy-dessus qu'ils prient Le Manitou de ne point ietter les
yeux sur leurs ennemis, afin qu'ils les puissent tuer: voila toutes les
prieres & oraisons que i'ay oüy faire aux Sauuages, ie ne sçay s'ils
en ont d'autres, ie [82] ne le crois pas. O que ie me fentois riche &
heureux parmy ces Barbares, d'auoir vn Dieu à qui ie peusse adresser
mes souhaits, mes prieres & mes vœux! & qu'ils sont miserables de
n'auoir point d'autres desirs, que pour la vie presente! I'oubliois
à dire icy, mais ie l'ay couché cy-dessus, qu'ils ont vne Image ou
espece de sacrifice, car ils iettent au feu de la gresse qu'ils
recueillent sur la chaudiere où cuit la viande, faisants cette priere
_Papeoue_k_ou_, _Papeoue_k_ou_, faictes nous trouuer à manger, faictes
nous trouuer à manger: ie crois qu'ils adressent cette oraison à leur
_Khichekouai_, & peut-estre encore les autres; voicy vne superstition
qui m'a bien ennuyé.

    I have remarked above that they pray The Manitou not to cast his
    eyes upon their enemies, in order that they may be able to kill
    them. These are all the prayers and orisons which I have heard
    the Savages make; I do not know whether they have others,--I [82]
    do not think they have. Oh, how rich and happy I consider myself
    among these Barbarians, to have a God to whom I can address my
    desires, my prayers and my vows! And how miserable they are not to
    have any other desires than for the present life! I was forgetting
    to say here, although I have mentioned it above, that they have
    an Imitation or kind of a sacrifice, for they throw upon the fire
    grease which they skim from the kettle where the meat is cooking,
    uttering this prayer, _Papcouekou, Papcouekou_, "make us find
    something to eat, make us find something to eat." I believe that
    they address this prayer to their _Khichckouai_, and perhaps to
    others besides. The following is a superstition which greatly
    annoyed me.

Le vingt-quatriesme de Nouembre, le Sorcier assembla les Sauuages & se
retrancha auec des robes & des couuertures en vn quartier de la Cabane;
en sorte qu'on ne le pouuoit voir, ny ses compagnons: il s'y trouua vne
femme auec eux qui marquoit sur vn baston triangulaire long de demie
picque, toutes les chansons qu'ils disoient, ie [83] priay vne femme de
me dire ce qu'ils faisoient dans ces retranchemens, elle me respondit
qu'ils prioient; mais ie croy qu'elle me fist cette respõse, pour ce
que quand ie saisois oraison, eux me demandans ce que ie faisois, ie
leurs disois, _Nataïamihiau missi ca_ K_hichitât_, ie prie celuy qui a
tout faict: & ainsi quand ils chantoient, quand ils hurloient, battans
leurs tambours & leurs bastons, ils me disoient qu'ils faisoient
leurs prieres, sans me pouuoir expliquer à qui ils les addressoient.
Le renegat m'a dit que ceste superstition, qui dura plus de cinq
heures, se faisoit pour vn mort, mais comme il ment plus souuent qu'il
ne dit vray, ie m'en rapporte à ce qui en est: ils appellent cette
superstition _Ouechibouan_, en suitte de ces longues oraisons, le
Sorcier donna le patron d'vn petit sac couppé en forme de jambe à vne
femme pour en faire vn de cuir, qu'elle remplit à mon aduis de poil de
Castor, car ie maniay cette jambe qui me sembla molasse, & pleine d'vn
poil assez doux, ie demanday prou ce que c'estoit, [84] & pourquoy on
faisoit ce petit sac tortu, mais iamais on ne me le voulut dire. Ie
sçeu seulement qu'ils l'appelloient _Manitou_k_athi_, c'est à dire,
jambe du Manitou, ou du Diable; elle fut long temps penduë dans la
Cabane au lieu où s'asseoit le Sorcier; depuis on la donna à vn ieune
homme pour la porter penduë au col, elle estoit des appartenances de
ces longues prieres, que ie viens de cotter, mais ie n'ay peu sçauoir à
quel dessein cela se faisoit.

    On the twenty-fourth of November, the Sorcerer assembled the
    Savages, and entrenched himself with some robes and blankets in
    one quarter of the Cabin, so that neither he nor his companions
    could be seen. There was a woman with them, who marked on a
    triangular stick, half a spear in length, all the songs they
    recited. I [83] begged a woman to tell me what they were doing in
    this enclosure, and she answered me that they were praying; but
    I believe she made this response because, when I prayed and they
    asked me what I was doing, I told them, _Nataïamihiau missi ca
    Khichitât_, "I am praying to him who made all things;" and so when
    they sang, when they howled, and beat their drums and their sticks,
    they told me that they were making prayers, without being able to
    explain to me to whom they were addressed. The renegade told me
    that this superstitious rite, which lasted more than five hours,
    was performed for a dead person; but, as he lies oftener than he
    tells the truth, I give it for what it is worth. They call this
    superstition _Ouechibouan_. After these long orisons, the Sorcerer
    gave the pattern of a little sack, cut in the form of a leg, to a
    woman, to make one of leather. This she filled, I thought, with
    Beaver hair, for I felt the leg and it seemed to me light and full
    of soft hair. I asked often what it was, [84] and why they made
    this little crooked sack, but they never told me. I only know that
    they call it _Manitoukathi_; meaning, leg of the Manitou, or of the
    Devil; for a long time it was hung in the Cabin, at the place where
    the Sorcerer was seated; afterward, it was given to a young man to
    wear hung from his neck. It was one of the accompaniments of these
    long prayers, which I have just described; but I have not been able
    to find out for what purpose it was used.

Ils gardent par fois encore vn ieusne fort rigoureux, non pas tous,
mais quelques vns qui ont enuie de viure long temps; mon hoste voyant
que ie ne mangeois qu'vne fois pendant le Caresme, me dit que quelques
vns d'entre eux ieusnoient pour auoir vne longue vie; mais m'adjousta
qu'ils se retiroient tous seuls dans vne petite Cabane à part, & que
là ils ne beuuoient ny mãgeoient quelquefois huict iours, quelquefois
dix iours durant: d'autres m'ont dit qu'ils sortent comme des squelets
de cette Cabane, & que par [85] fois on en rapporte à demy-morts,
ie n'ay point veu de ces grands ieusneurs, si bien de grãds disneurs:
vray est que ie n'ay point de peine à croire cét excez, car toutes les
fausses religions sont pleines de puerilitez, ou d'excés, ou de saletez.

    Now and then they observe a very rigorous fast,--not all of them,
    but certain ones who desire to live a long time. My host, seeing
    that I ate only once a day during Lent, told me that some of their
    people fasted in order to have a long life; but he added that they
    withdrew alone into a little Cabin apart from the others, and while
    there they neither drank nor ate, sometimes for eight and at other
    times for ten days; others have told me that they emerge from this
    Cabin like skeletons, and that sometimes [85] they are brought out
    half dead. I have not seen any of these great fasters, but I have
    seen great diners. In truth I have no difficulty in believing in
    these excesses, for all false religions are full of nonsense, of
    excesses, or of uncleanness.

I'ay veu faire vne autre deuotion au Sorcier, laquelle, comme ie crois,
n'appartient qu'à ceux de sa profession; on luy dresse vne petite
Cabane esloignée d'vn jet de pierre ou de deux des autres, il se
retire là dedans pour y demeurer seul huict iours, dix iours, ou plus
ou moins: Or vous l'entendez iour & nuict crier, hurler, & battre son
tambour; mais il n'est pas tellement solitaire, que d'autres ne luy
aillent aider à chanter, & que les femmes ne le visitent, c'est là où
il se commet de grandes saletez.

    I have seen another devotion performed by the Sorcerer, which, I
    believe, belongs only to those of his profession. They erect for
    him a little Cabin distant from the others a stone's throw or two,
    into which he retires to remain there alone eight or ten days, more
    or less. Now day and night he can be heard crying, howling and
    beating his drum; but he is not so solitary that others do not go
    to help him sing, and that the women do not visit him, and it is
    here that great licentiousness is carried on.

Les Sauuages sont encore fort Religieux enuers leurs morts; mon hoste,
& le vieillard dont i'ay souuent faict mention, m'ont confirmé ce que
i'ay des-ja escrit vne autrefois, que le corps mort du deffunct ne sort
point par la [86] porte ordinaire de la Cabane, ains on leue l'escorce
de l'endroict où l'hom[me] est mort, pour faire passer son cadaure.

    The Savages are also very Religious in regard to their dead. My
    host, and the old man of whom I have spoken, confirmed what I have
    already written before, that the body of the deceased does not
    go out through the [86] common door of the Cabin, but the bark
    is raised at the place where the dead man is, in order to make a
    passageway for the corpse.

De plus, disent ils, l'ame sort par la cheminée, ou par l'ouuerture
qu'ils font au haut de leurs todis, ils frappent à coups de baston
sur leurs Cabanes, afin que cette ame ne tarde point, & qu'elle ne
s'accoste de quelque enfant, car elle le fairoit mourir: ils enterrent
les robbes, les chaudieres, & autres meubles auec le trespassé, pource
qu'ils l'ayment, & afin aussi qu'il se serue de l'ame de toutes ces
choses en l'autre vie. Ils iettent comme i'ay des-ja dit, la meilleure
viande qu'ils ayent au feu, pour en donner à manger à l'ame dit
deffunct, qui mange l'ame de ces viandes: ils n'estendent point les
corps de leur long comme nous faisons les enseuellissants, mais ils
les accroupissent & accourcissent comme vne personne qui est assise
sur les talons: ils couppent vn petit touffet de cheueux du deffunct,
pour presenter à son plus proche parent. Je n'en sçay [87] pas la
raison. Mais faisons vne autre liste de leurs superstitions & de leur
ignorance, celles que ie viens de rapporter, concernent en quelque
façon leur religion ridicule; les suiuantes le peuuent proprement
appeller superstitions.

    Furthermore, they say that the soul goes out through the chimney,
    or at the opening which they make at the top of their huts. They
    strike heavy blows with a stick upon the Cabins, that this soul may
    not delay, and that it may not come near a child, for it would kill
    it. They bury with the dead man his robes, his kettles, and other
    belongings, because they love him, and also in order that he may
    make use of the soul of all these things in the other life. They
    throw, as I have already said, the best meat they have into the
    fire, to give something to eat to the soul of the deceased, which
    eats the soul of this food. They do not stretch out the bodies of
    their dead lengthwise, as we do those of our dead, but they place
    them in a crouching position like a person who is seated upon his
    heels. They cut a little tuft of hair from the dead man to present
    to his nearest relative. I do not know [87] why they do this.
    But let us make another list of their superstitions and of their
    ignorance, as what I have just reported concerns in some manner
    their ridiculous religion: the following may properly be called
    superstitions.

Les Sauuages ne iettent point aux chiens les os des Castors, Porcs
épics femmelles, du moins certains os determinez; bref ils p[r]ennent
garde tres-soigneusement que les chiens ne mangent aucun os des oyseaux
& des autres animaux qui se prennent au lacs, autrement ils n'en
prendront plus qu'auec des difficultez incomparables: encore y a-il là
dedans mille obseruations, car il n'importe que les vertebres ou le
croupion de ces animaux soient données aux chiens, pour le reste il
faut le jetter au feu; toutefois pour le Castor pris à la rets, c'est
le meilleur de ietter ses os dans vn fleuue, c'est chose estrange
qu'ils recueillent & ramassent ces os, & les conseruent auec tant de
soin, que vous diriez que leur chasse seroit perduë s'ils auoient [88]
contreuenu à leurs superstitions: comme ie me mocquois d'eux, & que ie
leurs disois que les Castors ne sçauoient pas ce que l'on faisoit de
leurs os; ils me respondirent, tu ne sçais pas prendre les Castors,
& tu en veux parler: deuant que le Castor soit mort tout à faict, me
dirent-ils, son ame vient faire vn tour par la Cabane de celuy qui
le tuë, & remarque fort bien ce qu'on fait de ses os; que si on les
donnoit aux chiens, les autres Castors en seroient aduertis: c'est
pourquoy ils se rendroient difficiles à prendre, mais ils sont bien
aises qu'on iette leurs os au feu, ou dans vn fleuue, la rets notamment
qui les a pris en est bien contente. Ie leur dis que les Hiroquois
au rapport de celuy qui estoit auec nous, iettoient les os de Castor
aux chiens, & cependant qu'ils en prenoient fort souuent, & que nos
François prenoient du gibier plus qu'eux (sans comparaison) & que
neantmoins nos chiens en mangeoient les os, tu n'as point d'esprit, me
firent-ils, ne vois tu pas que vous & les Hiroquois cultiuez la terre
[89] & en recueillez les fruicts, & non pas nous, & partant que ce
n'est pas la mesme chose: ie me mis à rire entendant cette response
impertinente; le mal est que ie ne fais que beguayer, que ie prends vn
mot pour l'autre, que ie prononce mal, & ainsi tout s'en va le plus
souuent en risee; Que c'est vne grande peine de parler à vn peuple
sans l'entendre. De plus, en leurs festins à manger tout, il faut bien
prendre garde que les chiens n'en goustent tant soit peu, mais de cecy
en vn autre chapitre.

    The Savages do not throw to the dogs the bones of female Beavers
    and Porcupines,--at least, certain specified bones; in short, they
    are very careful that the dogs do not eat any bones of birds and
    of other animals which are taken in the net, otherwise they will
    take no more except with incomparable difficulties. Yet they make
    a thousand exceptions to this rule, for it does not matter if the
    vertebræ or rump of these animals be given to the dogs, but the
    rest must be thrown into the fire. Yet, as to the Beaver which has
    been taken in a trap, it is best to throw its bones into a river.
    It is remarkable how they gather and collect these bones, and
    preserve them with so much care, that you would say their game
    would be lost if they [88] violated their superstitions. As I was
    laughing at them, and telling them that Beavers do not know what is
    done with their bones, they answered me, "Thou dost not know how to
    take Beavers, and thou wishest to talk about it." Before the Beaver
    was entirely dead, they told me, its soul comes to make the round
    of the Cabin of him who has killed it, and looks very carefully to
    see what is done with its bones; if they are given to the dogs,
    the other Beavers would be apprised of it and therefore they would
    make themselves hard to capture. But they are very glad to have
    their bones thrown into the fire, or into a river; especially the
    trap which has caught them is very glad of this. I told them that
    the Hiroquois, according to the reports of the one who was with
    us, threw the bones of the Beaver to the dogs, and yet they took
    them very often; and that our Frenchmen captured more game than
    they did (without comparison), and yet our dogs ate these bones.
    "Thou hast no sense," they replied, "dost thou not see that you and
    the Hiroquois cultivate the soil [89] and gather its fruits, and
    not we, and that therefore it is not the same thing?" I began to
    laugh when I heard this irrelevant answer. The trouble is, I only
    stutter, I take one word for another, I pronounce badly; and so
    everything usually passes off in laughter. What great difficulty
    there is in talking with people without being able to understand
    them. Furthermore, in their eat-all feasts they must be very
    careful that the dogs do not taste even the least of it; but of
    this in another chapter.

Ils croyent que la gresle a de l'esprit & de la connoissance, comme mon
hoste faisoit festin pendant cet Hiuer, il dit à vn ieune homme, va
t'en aduertir les Sauuages de l'autre Cabane qu'ils viennent quand ils
voudront que tout est prest, mais ne porte point de flambeau, il estoit
nuict & il gresloit fort & ferme: i'entends aussi les Sauuages sortans
de leurs Cabanes, s'écrier à leurs gens, ne nous éclairez point, car
il gresle. Ie demanday par apres la raison de cela, on me respõdit que
la grêle auoit de l'esprit, & qu'elle haïssoit [90] la lumiere, ne
venant ordinairement que sur la nuict: que si on portoit des flambeaux
dehors, elle cesseroit, dont ils seroient bien marris, car elle sert
à prendre l'Originac. Voila des gens biẽ entendus aux meteores, ie
leur dis que la gresle n'estoit autre chose que l'eau de la pluye, qui
se congeloit par la froidure, laquelle s'augmentât sur la nuict par
l'eloignement du Soleil, il gresloit plustost qu'en plein midy: ils
me repartirent à l'ordinaire, tu es vn ignorant, ne vois tu pas qu'il
a faict froid tout le iour, & que la gresle a attendu la nuict pour
venir; Ie voulus repartir que la nuée n'estoit pas encore disposée,
mais on me dit _eca titou eca titou nama_ K_hitirinisin_, tais toi,
tais toi, tu n'as pas d'esprit: voila la monnoye dont ils me payent,
& dont ils payent bien souuent les autres sans s'alterer. Mon hoste
coupoit par superstition le bout de la queuë de tous les Castors qu'il
prenoit, & les enfiloit ensemble. Ie demanday pourquoy, le vieillard
me dit, c'est vne resolution ou vne promesse qu'il a faict, afin de
prendre beaucoup de Castors de sçauoir à qui il fait ce vœu [91] ny
luy, ny moy ne le sçaurions dire.

    They believe that the hail has understanding and knowledge. When
    my host was giving a feast, that Winter, he said to a young man,
    "Go tell the Savages of the other Cabin that they may come when
    they wish, that everything is ready; but do not carry a torch." It
    was night, and there was a very heavy hailstorm. So I heard the
    Savages going out from their Cabins, crying to their people, "Do
    not make any light for us, because it hails." I afterward asked
    the reason for this, and they answered me that the hail possessed
    intelligence, and that it hated [90] the light, usually coming only
    at night-time; that, if torches were carried out of doors, it would
    stop, and they would be very sorry for this, for it helped them
    to capture the Moose. See how intelligent these people are about
    atmospheric phenomena. I told them that the hail was nothing but
    the water of the rain, congealed by the cold, which was greater
    at night on account of the absence of the Sun, and so it hailed
    then oftener than in the middle of the day. They answered me in
    their usual way, "Thou art an ignoramus; dost thou not see that
    it has been cold all day long, and that the hail has waited until
    night to come?" I tried to tell them that the clouds had not yet
    gathered, but they said, _eca titou eca titou nama Khitirinisin_,
    "keep still, keep still, thou hast no sense." This is the money
    with which they pay me, and with which they very often pay the
    others without any variation. Through superstition, my host cuts
    off the end of the tail from all the Beavers he takes, and strings
    them together. I asked why; and the old man told me that it was
    a resolution or promise that he had made in order to take many
    Beavers. As to whom he made this vow, [91] neither he nor I would
    be able to tell.

Ils mettent au feu vn certain os plat de Porc épic, puis ils regardent
à sa couleur s'ils feront bonne chasse de ces animaux.

    They put upon the fire a certain flat bone of the Porcupine; then
    look at its color attentively, to see if they will hunt these
    animals with success.

Quand quelqu'vn de leurs gens s'est egaré dans les bois, voyans qu'il
ne retourne point en la Cabane, ils pendent vn fusil à vne perche pour
le redresser; & cela fait, me disoient ils, qu'il voye du feu, & qu'il
reconnosse son chemin: quand vn esprit s'est vne fois egaré du chemin
de la verité, il donne bien auant dans l'erreur.

    When some one of their men is lost in the woods, seeing that he
    does not return to his Cabin, they hang a fuse to a pole to direct
    him, and, that done, they tell me that he sees the fire and finds
    his way back. When the mind has once strayed from the path of
    truth, it advances far into error.

Mais à propos de leur fusil, ie diray cy qu'il n'est pas faict comme
les nostres; ils ont pour meche la peau d'vne cuisse d'vn aigle, auec
le duuet qui prẽd feu aisement, ils battent deux pierres de mine
ensemble, comme nous faisons vne pierre à fusil, auec vn morceau de
fer ou d'acier: au lieu d'allumettes, ils se seruẽt d'vn petit morceau
de tondre, c'est vn bois pourry & bien seché, qui brusle aisement &
incessammẽt iusques à ce qu'il soit consommé: ayant pris feu ils le
mettent dans l'escorce de Cedre puluerisée, & soufflant [92] doucement
cette écorce s'enflamme. Voila comme ils font du feu. I'auois porté vn
fusil françois auec moy, & cinq ou six allumettes, ils s'estonnoient
de la promptitude auec laquelle i'allumois du feu, le mal fut que mes
allumettes furent bien tost vsées, ayant manqué d'en porter vn peu
dauãtage.

    But, in regard to their fuse, I will say here that it is not made
    like ours. For wick they use the skin of an eagle's thigh, covered
    with down, which takes fire very easily. They strike together two
    metallic stones, just as we do with a piece of flint and iron or
    steel; in place of matches, they use a little piece of tinder, a
    dry and rotten wood which burns easily and continually until it is
    consumed. When they have lighted it, they put it into pulverized
    Cedar bark; and, by gently [92] blowing, this bark takes fire. That
    is how they light their fires. I brought a french fuse with me, and
    five or six matches. They were astonished at the ease with which
    I could light a fire; the trouble was that my matches were soon
    exhausted, as I had failed to bring enough.

Ils ont encore vne autre espece de fusil, ils tournent vn petit baston
de Cedre, de ce mouuement sort du feu qui allume du tondre: mais comme
ie n'ay point veu l'vsage de ce fusil plus familier aux Hurons qu'aux
Montagnais, ie n'en diray pas dauantage.

    They have still another kind of fuse. They twist a little Cedar
    stick, and this friction causes fire, which lights some tinder;
    but, as I have never seen them use this fuse, which is more
    familiar to the Hurons than to the Montagnais, I will say no more
    about it.

Quand quelqu'vn d'eux a pris vn Ours, il y a bien des ceremonies deuant
qu'il soit mangé, vn de nos gens en prit vn. Voicy ce qu'on obserua.

    When some one of them has taken a Bear, there are extensive
    ceremonies before it is eaten. One of our people took one, and this
    is what they did:

Premierement l'Ours estant tué, celuy qui l'a mis à mort ne l'apporte
point, mais il s'en reuient à la Cabane en donner la nouuelle, afin que
quelqu'vn aille voir la prise comme chose precieuse; car les Sauuages
preferent la chair d'Ours à toutes leurs autres viandes: il me semble
que le ieune Castor ne luy cede en rien, mais l'Ours a [93] plus de
graisse. Voila pourquoy il est plus aimé des Sauuages.

    First, the Bear having been killed, the man who killed it did not
    bring it back, but he returned to the Cabin to impart the news,
    so that some one might go and see the prize, as something very
    precious; for the Savages prefer the meat of the Bear to all other
    kinds of food; it seems to me that the young Beaver is in no way
    inferior to it, but the Bear has [93] more fat, and therefore the
    Savages like it better.

Secondement l'Ours a[p]porté toutes les filles nubiles, & les ieunes
femmes mariées qui n'ont point encore eu d'ẽfans, tant celles de
la Cabane où l'Ours doit estre mangé, que des autres voisines, s'en
vont dehors, & ne rentrent point tant qu'il y reste aucun morceau de
cet animal, dont elles ne goustent point: Il negeoit & faisoit vn
temps fort fascheux, il estoit quasi nuict quãd cét Ours fut apporté
en nostre Cabane: tout à l'heure les femmes & les filles sortirent, &
s'en allerent Cabaner ailleurs le mieux quelles peurent non sans patir
beaucoup, car ils n'ont pas tousiours des écorces à leur commandemẽt
pour dresser leur maison, qu'ils couurẽt en tel cas de brãches de Sapin.

    Second, the Bear being brought, all the marriageable girls and
    young married women who have not had children, as well as those of
    the Cabin where the Bear is to be eaten, and of the neighboring
    cabins, go outside, and do not return as long as there remains a
    piece of this animal, which they do not taste. It snowed, and the
    weather was very severe. It was almost night when this Bear was
    brought to our Cabin; immediately the women and girls went out and
    sought Shelter elsewhere, the best they could find. They do this
    not without much suffering; for they do not always have bark at
    hand with which to make their house, which in such cases they cover
    with branches of the Fir tree.

En troisiesme lieu, il faut bien éloigner les chiens, de peur qu'ils
ne lechent le sang, ou ne mangent les os, voire les excremens de cette
beste, tãt elle est cherie. On enterre ceux-cy sous le foyer, & on
iette ceux-là au feu; voila ce que i'obseruay en cette superstitiõ.
On fit deux banquets de cét Ours, [94] l'ayant fait cuire en deux
chaudieres, quoy qu'en mesme temps. On inuita les hõmes & les femmes
âgées au premier festin, lequel acheué, les femmes sortirent, puis on
depẽdit l'autre chaudiere, dont on fit festin à manger tout entre les
hommes seulement. Cela se fit le soir de la prise; le lendemain sur la
nuict, ou le second iour, ie ne m'en souuiens pas bien, l'Ours estant
entierement mangé, les ieunes femmes, & les filles retournerent.

    In the third place, the dogs must be sent away, lest they lick
    the blood, or eat the bones, or even the offal of this beast, so
    greatly is it prized. The latter are buried under the fireplace,
    and the former are thrown into the fire. The preceding are
    the observations which I made during the performance of this
    superstition. Two banquets are made of this Bear, [94] as it is
    cooked in two kettles, although all at the same time. The men
    and older women are invited to the first feast, and, when it is
    finished, the women go out; then the other kettle is taken down,
    and of this an eat-all feast is made for the men only. This is done
    on the evening of the capture; the next day toward nightfall, or
    the second day, I do not exactly remember, the Bear having been all
    eaten, the young women and girls return.

Si l'oiseau qu'ils nomment _Ouichcatchan_, qui est quasi de la grosseur
d'vne pie, & qui luy ressemble, (car il est gris aux endroicts que la
pie est noire, & blanc ou elle est blanche) se presente pour entrer
dans leur Cabane, ils le chassent fort soigneusement, pource disent
ils, qu'ils auroient mal à la teste: ils n'ẽ dõnent point de raison
ils l'ont, si on les croit, experimenté, ie les ay veu prendre le
gesier de cét animal, le fendans & regardans dedans fort attentiuement;
mon hoste me dit, si ie trouue dedans vn petit os d'Originac (car cét
oyseau mange de tout) ie tueray vn Orignac, si ie trouue vn os d'Ours,
ie [95] tueray vn Ours, & ainsi des autres animaux.

    If the bird which they call _Ouichcatchan_, which is nearly the
    size of the magpie, and which resembles it (for it is gray in the
    places where the magpie is black, and white where it is white),
    tries to get into their Cabins, they drive it away very carefully,
    because, they say, they would have a headache; they do not give
    any reason for this, but have, if they are to be believed, learned
    it by experience. I have seen them take the throat of this animal,
    split it open, and look into it very attentively. My host tells me,
    "If I find inside a little bone of the Moose (for this bird eats
    everything) I shall kill a Moose; if I find a bone of the Bear, I
    [95] shall kill a Bear;" and so on with other animals.

Dans la famine que nous auons enduré, nos Sauuages ne voulurent point
manger leurs chiens, pource que si on tuoit vn chiẽ pour le manger, vn
hõme seroit tué à coups de hache, disoiẽt-ils.

    In the famine which we endured, our Savages would not eat their
    dogs, because they said that, if the dog was killed to be eaten, a
    man would be killed by blows from an axe.

Mon hoste iettant quelques branches de pin dans le feu, il prestoit
l'oreille au bruit qu'elles feroient en se bruslant, prononçant
quelques paroles; ie luy demanday pourquoy il faisoit cette ceremonie,
pour prendre des Porcs épics, me respond il, de dire quel rapport il y
a de ces branches bruslées auec leur chasse, c'est ce qu'ils ne sçauent
pas, & ne sçauroient sçauoir.

    My host, throwing some pine branches into the fire, listened
    attentively to the noise which they made in burning, and pronounced
    some words. I asked him why he went through this ceremony; "To
    capture Porcupines," he answered me. What connection there is
    between these burning branches and their hunting, they neither do
    nor can explain.

Ils ne mangent point la moëlle des vertebres ou de l'espine du dos
de quelque animal que ce soit, car ils auroient mal au dos, & s'ils
fourroient vn baston dans ces vertebres, ils sentiroiẽt vne douleur,
comme si on le fichoit dans les leur. Ie le faisois expres deuant
eux pour les desabuser, mais vn mal d'esprit si grand, comme est vne
superstition inueterée depuis tant de siecles, & succée auec le laict
de la nourrice [96] ne se guerit pas en vn moment.

    They do not eat the marrow of the vertebræ or backbone of any
    animal whatever, for they would have a backache; and, if they
    were to thrust a stick into these vertebræ, they would feel the
    pain the same as if some one had driven it into theirs. I did it
    purposely, in their presence, to disabuse them; but a disease of
    the mind so great as is a superstition firmly established for so
    many centuries, and drunk in with the nurse's milk, [96] is not
    eradicated in a moment.

Ils ne mangent point les petits embrions d'Orignac, qu'ils tirent du
ventre de leurs meres, sinon à la fin de la chasse de cét animal, la
raison est que leurs meres les aiment, & qu'elles s'en rendroient
fascheuses & difficiles à prendre, si on mangeoit leur fruict si ieune.

    They do not eat the little embryos of Moose, which they take from
    the wombs of the mothers, except at the end of the chase for this
    animal. The reason is that their mothers love them, and they would
    become angry and difficult to capture, if their offspring were
    eaten so young.

Ils ne reconnoissent que dix Lunes en l'année, i'entends la pluspart des
Sauuages, car i'ay fait auouër au Sorcier qu'il y en auoit douze.

    They recognize only ten Moons in the year,--I mean the greater part
    of the Savages, for I made the Sorcerer admit that there are twelve.

Ils croyent que la Lune de Feurier est plus lõgue de plusieurs iours
que les autres, aussi la nomment ils la grande Lune; Ie leur ay
demanday d'où venoit l'Eclypse de Lune & de Soleil; ils m'ont respondu
que la Lune s'éclypsoit ou paroissoit noire, à cause qu'elle tenoit
son fils entre ses bras, qui empeschoit que l'on ne vist sa clarté. Si
la Lune a vn fils, elle est mariée, ou l'a été, leur dis-je, oüy dea,
me dirent ils, le Soleil est son mary qui marche tout le iour, & elle
toute la nuict; & s'il s'eclypse, ou s'il s'obscurcit, c'est qu'il
prend aussi par fois le fils qu'il a eu de [97] la Lune entre ses bras:
oüy, mais ny la Lune ny le Soleil n'ont point de bras, leur disois-je,
tu n'as point d'esprit: ils tiẽnent tousiours leur arcs bandés deuant
eux, voila pourquoy leurs bras ne paroissent point; & sur qui veulent
ils tirer? hé qu'en sçauons nous. Ie leur demanday que vouloient dire
ces taches qui se font voir en la Lune; tu ne sçay riẽ du tout, me
disoient ils; c'est vn bonet qui luy couure la teste, & non pas des
taches. Ie m'enquis pourquoy le fils du Soleil & de la Lune n'estoit
pas luisant comme ses parents, ains noir & obscur; nous n'en sçauons
rien, me firent ils, si nous auions esté au Ciel nous te respondrions.
Au reste ils croyent qu'ils viẽt quelquefois en terre, & quand il se
pourmene en leur pays, ils meurent en grand nõbre. Ie leur ay demandé
s'ils n'auoiẽt point veu de Cometes, ces Estoilles à longue queuë, &
ce que c'estoit; nous en auons veu, me dirent ils, c'est vn animal
qui a vne grande queuë, 4. pieds, & une teste, nous voyons tous cela,
disoiẽt-ils.

    They believe that the February Moon is longer by several days than
    the others, and therefore they call it the great Moon. I asked them
    whence came the Eclipse of the Moon and of the Sun. They answered
    that the Moon was eclipsed, or appeared to be dark, because she
    held her son in her arms, which prevented her brightness from being
    seen. "If the Moon has a son, she is married, or has been," I told
    them. "Oh, yes," they replied, "the Sun is her husband, who walks
    all day, and she all night; and if he be eclipsed, or darkened, it
    is because he also sometimes takes the son which he has had by [97]
    the Moon, into his arms." "Yes, but neither the Moon nor the Sun
    has any arms," I answered them. "Thou hast no sense; they always
    hold their drawn bows before them, and that is why their arms do
    not appear." "And whom do they wish to shoot?" "Ah, how do we
    know?" I asked them what those spots meant that appear on the Moon.
    "Thou knowest nothing at all," they said; "it is a cap which covers
    her head, and not spots." I inquired why the son of the Sun and of
    the Moon was not bright like parents, but black and gloomy. "We do
    not know," said they; "if we had been in the Sky, we might answer
    thee." Furthermore, they think that he comes now and then upon
    earth; and, when he walks about in their country, many people die.
    I asked them if they had never seen Comets, those Stars with long
    tails, and what they were. "We have seen them," they answered; "it
    is an animal that has a long tail, 4 feet, and a head; we can see
    all that," they said.

Ie les interrogeay sur le tonnerre, ils me dirent qu'ils ne sçauoient
pas quel animal c'estoit, qu'il mangeoit les serpents [98] &
quelquefois les arbres, que les Hurons croyẽt que c'est vn oiseau fort
grãd induit à cette creãce, par vn bruit sourd que fait vne espece
d'hirondelle qui paroist icy l'Esté: Ie n'ay point veu de ces oiseaux
en France, i'en ay tenu icy, il a le bec, & la teste, & la figure du
corps, cõme vne hirondelle, sinõ qu'il est vn peu plus gros; il se
pourmene le soir en l'air, faisant vn bruit pesãt par reprises. Les
Hurons disent qu'il fait ce bruit du derriere, cõme aussi l'oiseau
qu'ils pẽsent estre le tõnerre, & qu'il n'y a qu'vn seul hõme qui
voye cét oiseau, & encore vne fois en sa vie; c'est ce que m'ẽ dit mõ
vieillard.

    I asked them about the thunder; they said that they did not know
    what animal it was; that it ate snakes, [98] and sometimes trees;
    that the Hurons believed it to be a very large bird. They were led
    to this belief by a hollow sound made by a kind of swallow which
    appears here in the Summer. I have not seen any of these birds in
    France, but have examined some of them here. They have a beak, a
    head, and a form like the swallow, except that they are a little
    larger; they fly about in the evening, repeatedly making a dull
    noise. The Hurons say that they make this noise from behind, as
    does also the bird which they think is the thunder; and that there
    is only one man who has seen this bird, and he only once in his
    lifetime. This is what my old man told me.

Voila vne partie de leurs superstitiõs; que de poussiere dedans leurs
yeux, & qu'il y aura de peine à la faire sortir, pour leur faire
voir le beau iour de la verité. Ie croy neãtmoins, que qui sçauroit
parfaittement leur langue, pour les payer promptement de bonnes
raisons, qu'ils se mocqueroient eux mesmes de leurs sottises: car par
fois ie les rendois honteux & cõfus, quoy que ie ne parle quasi que par
les mains, ie veux dire par signes.

    These are some of their superstitions. How much dust there is in
    their eyes, and how much trouble there will be to remove it that
    they may see the beautiful light of truth! I believe, nevertheless,
    that any one who knew their language perfectly, in order to give
    them good reasons promptly, would soon make them laugh at their own
    stupidity; for sometimes I have made them ashamed and confused,
    although I speak almost entirely by my hands, I mean by signs.

Ie veux conclurre ce chapitre par vn estõnement; on se plaint en France
d'vne [99] Messe, si elle passe vne demie heure; le Sermon limité d'vne
heure semble par fois trop long, à peine exerce l'on ces actes de
Religion vne fois la semaine, & ces pauures ignorants crient & hurlent
à toute heure.

    I am going to conclude this chapter with a surprise; they complain
    in France of a [99] Mass, if it lasts more than half an hour; a
    Sermon limited to an hour seems too long; those Religious services
    are performed hardly once a week; and yet those poor ignorant
    people cry and howl all the time.

Le Sorcier les assemble souuent en plein minuict, à deux heures, à
trois heures du matin, dãs vn froid qui gele tout; iour & nuict il les
tient en haleine, employans non vne ou deux heures, mais trois &
quatre de suitte, à faire leurs deuotions ridicules. On fait sortir les
pauures femmes de leurs Cabanes, se leuãts en pleine nuict, emportants
leurs petits enfans parmy les neiges chez leurs voisins. Les hommes
harassez du trauail du iour, ayant peu mangé & couru fort lõg temps,
au moindre cry qu'on leur faict quittent leur sommeil, & s'en viennent
promptement au lieu où se fait le Sabbat, & ce qui semblera au delà
de toute creance. Ie n'ay iamais veu former aucune plainte parmy eux,
ny aux femmes ny aux hommes, ny mesme aux enfans, chacun se montrant
prompt & allaigre à la voix du Sorcier ou du jongleur, hélas! mon Dieu,
les ames qui vous aiment seront [100] elles sans sentiment, voyants
plus de passion pour des folies, que pour la verité? Belial est-il plus
aimable que IESVS? pourquoy dõc est-il plus ardãment aimé, obey plus
promptement, & plus deuotement adoré? mais passons outre.

    The Sorcerer often brings them together at midnight, or at two or
    three o'clock in the morning, in a cold which freezes everything.
    Day and night he holds them with bated breath, during not one
    nor two hours, but three or four in succession, to perform their
    ridiculous devotions. They make the poor women go out from their
    Cabins, rising at midnight and carrying their little children over
    the snow to their neighbors. Men, harassed by the work of the day,
    who have eaten but little and hunted a long time, at the first cry
    waken and promptly betake themselves to this Witches' Sabbath;
    and, what will seem beyond all belief, I have never known a single
    complaint to arise among them, neither among the women nor the men,
    nor even the children, each one showing himself prompt and glad to
    obey the voice of the Sorcerer or juggler. Alas, my God, will the
    souls that love you be [100] without feeling, when they see more
    zeal shown for folly than for truth? Is Belial more lovely than
    JESUS? Why then is he more ardently loved, more promptly obeyed,
    and more devotedly adored? But let us pass on.




CHAPITRE V.

DES CHOSES BONNES QUI SE TROUUENT DANS LES SAUUAGES.


SI nous commençons par les biens du corps, ie diray qu'ils les possedẽt
auec auantage: ils sont grands, droicts, forts, bien proportionnez,
agiles, rien d'effeminé ne paroist en eux. Ces petits Damoiseaux qu'õ
voit ailleurs, ne sont que des hõmes en peinture, à comparaison de
nos Sauuages. I'ay quasi creu autrefois que les Images des Empereurs
Romains representoient plustost l'idée des peintres, que des hommes qui
eussent iamais esté, tant leurs testes sont grosses & puissãtes, mais
ie voy icy sur les épaules de ce peuple les testes de Iules Cesar, de
Pompée, d'Auguste, d'Othon, & des autres que i'ay veu en France, tirées
sur [101] le papier, ou releuées en des medailles.

    CHAPTER V.

    ON THE GOOD THINGS WHICH ARE FOUND AMONG THE SAVAGES.


    IF we begin with physical advantages, I will say that they
    possess these in abundance. They are tall, erect, strong, well
    proportioned, agile; and there is nothing effeminate in their
    appearance. Those little Fops that are seen elsewhere are only
    caricatures of men, compared with our Savages. I almost believed,
    heretofore, that the Pictures of the Roman Emperors represented
    the ideal of the painters rather than men who had ever existed,
    so strong and powerful are their heads; but I see here upon the
    shoulders of these people the heads of Julius Cæsar, of Pompey, of
    Augustus, of Otho, and of others, that I have seen in France, drawn
    upon [101] paper, or in relief on medallions.

Pour l'esprit des Sauuages, il est de bõne trempe, ie croy que les
ames sont toutes de mesme estoc, & qu'elles ne different point
substantiellemẽt; c'est pourquoy ces barbares ayans vn corps bien fait,
& les organes bien rangez & bien disposez, leur esprit doit operer auec
facilité: la seule education & instruction leur mãque, leur ame est vn
sol tres bon de sa nature, mais chargé de toutes les malices qu'vne
terre delaissée depuis la naissance du mõde peut porter. Ie compare
volõtiers nos Sauuages auec quelques villageois, pource que les vns &
les autres sont ordinairement sans instruction; encore nos Paysans
sont-ils precipuez en ce point: & neantmoins ie n'ay veu personne
iusques icy de ceux qui sont venus en ces contrées, qui ne confesse &
qui n'aduoüe franchement que les Sauuages ont plus d'esprit que nos
paysans ordinaires.

    As to the mind of the Savage, it is of good quality. I believe
    that souls are all made from the same stock, and that they do not
    materially differ; hence, these barbarians having well formed
    bodies, and organs well regulated and well arranged, their minds
    ought to work with ease. Education and instruction alone are
    lacking. Their soul is a soil which is naturally good, but loaded
    down with all the evils that a land abandoned since the birth of
    the world can produce. I naturally compare our Savages with certain
    villagers, because both are usually without education, though our
    Peasants are superior in this regard; and yet I have not seen any
    one thus far, of those who have come to this country, who does not
    confess and frankly admit that the Savages are more intelligent
    than our ordinary peasants.

De plus, si c'est vn grand bien d'estre deliuré d'vn grand mal, nos
Sauuages sont heureux, car les deux tyrans qui donnent la gehenne &
la torture à vn grand nombre de nos Europeans, ne regnent [102] point
dans leurs grands bois, i'entends l'ambition & l'auarice; Comme ils
n'ont ny police, ny charges, ny dignitez, ny commandement aucun, car
ils n'obeyssent que par bien-veillance à leur Capitaine; aussi ne se
tuẽt ils point pour entrer dãs les honneurs, d'ailleurs comme ils se
contentent seulement de la vie, pas un d'eux ne se donne au Diable pour
acquerir des richesses.

    Moreover, if it is a great blessing to be free from a great evil,
    our Savages are happy; for the two tyrants who provide hell and
    torture for many of our Europeans, do not reign [102] in their
    great forests,--I mean ambition and avarice. As they have neither
    political organization, nor offices, nor dignities, nor any
    authority, for they only obey their Chief through good will toward
    him, therefore they never kill each other to acquire these honors.
    Also, as they are contented with a mere living, not one of them
    gives himself to the Devil to acquire wealth.

Ils font profession de ne se point fascher, non pour la beauté de la
vertu, dõt ils n'ont pas seulemẽt le nom mais pour leur contentement &
plaisir, ie veux dire, pours s'affranchir des amertumes que cause la
fascherie. Le Sorcier me disoit vn iour, parlant d'vn de nos François,
il n'a point d'esprit, il se fasche, pour moy rien n'est capable de
m'alterer; que la famine nous presse, que mes plus proches passent en
l'autre vie, que les Hiroquois nos ennemis massacrent nos gens, ie ne
me fasche iamais, ce qu'il dit n'est pas article de foy; car comme
il est plus superbe qu'aucun Sauuage, aussi l'ay ie veu plus souuent
alteré que pas vn d'eux; vray est que bien souuent il se retenoit, & se
commãdoit auec violence, notamment [103] quand ie mettois au iour ses
niaseries. Ie n'ay iamais veu qu'vn Sauuage prononcer cette parole,
_Ninichcatihin_, ie suis fasché encore; ne la profera il qu'vne fois:
mais i'aduertis qu'on prit garde à luy, car quand ces Barbares se
faschent, ils sont dangereux & n'ont point de retenuë.

    They make a pretence of never getting angry, not because of the
    beauty of this virtue, for which they have not even a name, but
    for their own contentment and happiness, I mean, to avoid the
    bitterness caused by anger. The Sorcerer said to me one day,
    speaking of one of our Frenchmen, "He has no sense, he gets angry;
    as for me, nothing can disturb me; let hunger oppress me, let my
    nearest relation pass to the other life, let the Hiroquois, our
    enemies, massacre our people, I never get angry." What he says
    is not an article of faith; for, as he is more haughty than any
    other Savage, so I have seen him oftener out of humor than any of
    them; it is true also that he often restrains and governs himself
    by force, especially [103] when I expose his foolishness. I have
    only heard one Savage pronounce this word, _Ninichcatihin_, "I am
    angry," and he only said it once. But I noticed that they kept
    their eyes on him, for when these Barbarians are angry, they are
    dangerous and unrestrained.

Qui fait profession de ne se point fascher, doit faire profession de
patience; les Sauuages nous passent tellemẽt en ce poinct, que nous
en deurions estre confus: ie les voyois dans leurs peines, dans leurs
trauaux souffrir auec allegresse. Mon hoste admirant la multitude du
peuple que ie luy disois estre en France, me demandoit si les hommes
estoient bons, s'ils ne se faschoient point, s'ils estoiẽt patients.
Ie n'ay rien veu de si patient qu'vn Sauuage malade; qu'on crie, qu'on
tempeste, qu'õ saute, qu'on dãse, il ne se plaint quasi iamais. Ie me
suis trouué auec eux en des dangers de grandement souffrir; ils me
disoient nous serõs quelquefois deux iours, quelque fois trois sans
manger, faute de viure, prends courage, _Chihiné_, aye l'ame dure
resiste à la peine & au trauail, garde toy de la tristessé, autrement
tu seras malade; regarde que nous ne laissons pas de rire, [104] quoy
que nous mangions peu, vne chose presque seule les abbat, c'est quand
ils voyent qu'il y a de la mort; car ils la craignẽt outre mesure;
ostez cette apprehension aux Sauuages, ils supporteront toute sortes de
mespris & d'incommoditez, & toutes sortes de trauaux & d'injures fort
patiemmẽt: Ie produiray plusieurs exemples de tout cecy dans la suitte
du temps, que ie reserue à la fin de ces chapitres.

    Whoever professes not to get angry, ought also to make a profession
    of patience; the Savages surpass us to such an extent, in this
    respect, that we ought to be ashamed. I saw them, in their
    hardships and in their labors, suffer with cheerfulness. My host,
    wondering at the great number of people who I told him were in
    France, asked me if the men were good, if they did not become
    angry, if they were patient. I have never seen such patience as is
    shown by a sick Savage. You may yell, storm, jump, dance, and he
    will scarcely ever complain. I found myself, with them, threatened
    with great suffering; they said to me, "We shall be sometimes two
    days, sometimes three, without eating, for lack of food; take
    courage, _Chihiné_, let thy soul be strong to endure suffering and
    hardship; keep thyself from being sad, otherwise thou wilt be sick;
    see how we do not cease to laugh, [104] although we have little to
    eat." One thing alone casts them down,--it is when they see death,
    for they fear this beyond measure; take away this apprehension from
    the Savages, and they will endure all kinds of degradation and
    discomfort, and all kinds of trials and suffering very patiently.
    Later, I shall give several examples of this, which I am reserving
    for the end of these chapters.

Ils s'entraiment les vns les autres, & s'accordent admirablement
bien; vous ne voyez point de disputes, de querelles, d'inimitiez, de
reproches parmy eux, les hõmes laissent la disposition du mesnage
aux femmes sans les inquieter; elles coupent, elles tranchent, elles
donnent comme il leur plaist, sans que le mary s'en fasche. Ie n'ay
iamais veu mon hoste demãder à vne ieune femme estourdie qu'il tenoit
auec soy, que deuenoiẽt les viures, quoy qu'ils diminuassẽt assez
viste. Ie n'ay iamais oüy les femmes se plaindre de ce que l'on ne les
inuitoit aux festins, que les hommes mangeoient les bons morceaux,
qu'elles trauailloient incessamment, allans querir le bois pour le
chauffage: faisants les Cabanes, passans les peaux, & s'occupans en
[105] d'autres œuures assez penibles, chacun fait son petit affaire
doucement, & paisiblement sans dispute. Il est vray neantmoins qu'ils
n'ont point de douceur ny de courtoisie en leurs paroles, & qu'vn
François ne sçauroit prendre l'accent, le ton & l'aspreté de leur voix
à moins que de se mettre en cholere, eux cependant ne s'y mettrent pas.

    They are very much attached to each other, and agree admirably. You
    do not see any disputes, quarrels, enmities, or reproaches among
    them. Men leave the arrangement of the household to the women,
    without interfering with them; they cut, and decide, and give away
    as they please, without making the husband angry. I have never seen
    my host ask a giddy young woman that he had with him what became of
    the provisions, although they were disappearing very fast. I have
    never heard the women complain because they were not invited to the
    feasts, because the men ate the good pieces, or because they had to
    work continually,--going in search of the wood for the fire, making
    the Houses, dressing the skins, and busying themselves in [105]
    other very laborious work. Each one does her own little tasks,
    gently and peacefully, without any disputes. It is true, however,
    that they have neither gentleness nor courtesy in their utterance;
    and a Frenchman could not assume the accent, the tone, and the
    sharpness of their voices without becoming angry, yet they do not.

Ils ne sont point vindicatifs entr'eux, si bien enuers leurs ennemis.
Ie coucheray icy vn exẽple capable de confondre plusieurs Chrestiens.
Dans les pressures de nostre famine, vn ieune Sauuage d'vn autre
quartier nous vint voir, il estoit aussi affamé que nous; le iour
qu'il vint fut vn iour de ieusne pour luy & pour nous, car il ny
auoit dequoy manger: le lendemain nos chasseurs ayãs pris quelques
Castors, on fit festin auquel il fut très biẽ traitté, on luy dit en
outre qu'õ auoit veu les pistes d'vn Orignac, & qu'on l'iroit chasser
le lendemain; on l'inuita à demeurer, & qu'il en auroit sa part, luy
respõdit qu'il ne pouuoit estre dauantage; s'estant doncques enquis du
lieu où étoit la beste, il s'ẽ retourna: Nos Chasseurs ayans trouué &
tué le lendemain [106] cest Elan, l'enseuelirent dãs la neige, selon
leur coustume, pour l'enuoyer querir au iour suiuãt. Or pendãt la nuict
mon ieune Sauuage cherche si biẽ, qu'il trouue la beste morte, & en
enleue vne bõne partie sans dire mot, le larcin connu par nos gens,
ils n'entrerent point en des furies, ne donnerent aucune malediction
au voleur; toute leur cholere fut de se gausser de luy, & cependãt
c'estoit presque nous oster la vie, que de nous dérober nos viures, car
nous n'en pouuions recouurer. A quelque temps de là, ce voleur nous
vint voir, ie luy voulus representer la laideur de son crime, mon hoste
m'imposa silence, & ce pauure hõme rejettant son larcin sur les chiens,
nõ seulement fut excusé, mais encore receu pour demeurer auec nous dans
vne mesme Cabane. Il s'en alla donc querir sa femme, qu'il apporta sur
son dos, car elle a les iambes sans mouuement; & vne ieune parente
qui demeure auec luy apporta son petit fils, & tous quatre prirent
place en nostre petit todis, sans que iamais on leur aye reproché ce
larcin, ains au contraire on leur a tesmoigné tres-bõ visage, & les
a-on traittez comme [107] ceux de la maison. Dites à vn Sauuage, qu'vn
autre Sauuage a dit pis que pendre de luy, il baissera la teste, & ne
dira mot: s'ils se rencõtrent par apres tous, ils ne feront nõ plus de
semblant de cela, comme si riẽ n'auoit esté dit, ils se traitteront
comme freres, ils n'ont point de fiel enuers leur nation.

    They are not vindictive among themselves, although they are toward
    their enemies. I will here give an example that ought to confound
    many Christians. In the stress of our famine, a young Savage from
    another quarter came to see us, who was as hungry as we were. The
    day on which he came was a day of fasting for him and for us, for
    there was nothing to eat. The next day, our hunters having taken
    a few Beavers, a feast was made, at which he was well treated;
    he was told besides that the trail of a Moose had been seen, and
    that they were going to hunt for it the next day; he was invited
    to remain and to have his share of it; he answered that he could
    stay no longer, and, having inquired about the place where the
    animal was, he went away. Our Hunters, having found and killed this
    Elk the [106] next day, buried it in the snow, according to their
    custom, to send for it on the following day. Now, during the night,
    my young Savage searched so well, that he found the dead beast,
    and took away a good part of it without saying a word. When the
    theft became known to our people, they did not get into a rage and
    utter maledictions against the thief,--all their anger consisted
    in sneering at him; and yet this was almost taking away our life,
    this stealing our food when we were unable to obtain any more. Some
    time afterward, this thief came to see us; I wanted to represent to
    him the seriousness of his offence, but my host imposed silence;
    and when this poor man attributed his theft to the dogs, he was
    not only excused, but even received to live with us in the same
    Cabin. Then he went for his wife, whom he carried upon his back,
    for her legs are paralyzed; a young female relative who lives with
    him brought his little son; and all four took their places in our
    little hut, without ever being reproached for this theft; on the
    contrary they were received very kindly, and were treated as if
    [107] belonging to the family. Tell a Savage that another Savage
    has slandered him, and he will bow the head and not say a word;
    if they meet each other afterward, they will pretend not to know
    anything about it, acting as if nothing had been said. They treat
    each other as brothers; they harbor no spite against those of their
    own nation.

Ils sont fort liberaux entr'eux, voire ils font estat de ne riẽ aimer,
de ne point s'attacher aux biẽs de la terre, afin de ne se point
attrister s'ils les perdẽt. Vn chiẽ dechira n'a pas longtemps vne belle
robe de Castor à vn Sauuage, il estoit le premier à s'en rire; l'vne
de leurs grãdes injures parmy eux, c'est de dire cét homme aime tout,
il est auare: si vous leur refusez quelque chose, voicy leur reproche,
comme ie remarquay l'an passé, _Khisakhitan_ _Sa_K_hita_, tu aime cela,
aime le tant que tu voudras: ils n'ouurent point la main à demy quand
ils donnent, ie dis entr'eux, car ils sont ingrats au possible enuers
les estrangers. Vous leur verrez nourrir leurs parents, les enfans de
leurs amis, des femmes vefues, des orphelins, des vieillards, sans
iamais leur rien reprocher, leur donnans abondamment [108] quelquefois
des Originaux tous entiers; c'est veritablement vne marque d'vn bon
cœur, & d'vne ame genereuse.

    They are very generous among themselves and even make a show of
    not loving anything, of not being attached to the riches of the
    earth, so that they may not grieve if they lose them. Not long ago
    a dog tore a beautiful Beaver robe belonging to one of the Savages,
    and he was the first one to laugh about it. One of the greatest
    insults that can be offered to them, is to say, "That man likes
    everything, he is stingy." If you refuse them anything, here is
    their reproach, as I remarked last year: _Khisakhitan Sakhita_,
    "Thou lovest that, love it as much as thou wilt." They do not open
    the hand half-way when they give,--I mean among themselves, for
    they are as ungrateful as possible toward strangers. You will see
    them take care of their kindred, the children of their friends,
    widows, orphans, and old men, never reproaching them in the least,
    giving them abundantly, [108] sometimes whole Moose. This is truly
    the sign of a good heart and of a generous soul.

Comme il y a plusieurs orphelins parmy ce peuple; car depuis qu'ils se
sont adonnez aux boissons de vin & d'eau de vie, ils meurent en grand
nõbre; ces pauures enfans sont dispersez dans les Cabanes de leurs
oncles, de leurs tantes, ou autres parents, ne pensez pas qu'on les
rabrouë, qu'on leur reproche qu'ils mãgent les viures de la maison,
rien de tout cela, on les traitte comme les enfans du pere de famille,
ou du moins peu s'en faut, on les habille le mieux qu'on peut.

    As there are many orphans among these people,--for they die
    in great numbers since they are addicted to drinking wine and
    brandy,--these poor children are scattered among the Cabins of
    their uncles, aunts, or other relatives. Do not suppose that
    they are snubbed and reproached because they eat the food of the
    household. Nothing of the kind, they are treated the same as the
    children of the father of the family, or at least almost the same,
    and are dressed as well as possible.

Ils ne sont point delicats en leurs viures, en leur coucher, & en leurs
habits, mais ils ne sont pas nets; Iamais ils ne se plaignent de ce
qu'on leur donne, qu'il soit froid, qu'il soit chaud, il n'importe,
quand la chaudiere est cuitte, on la partage sans attẽdre personne,
non pas mesme le maistre de la maison, on luy garde sa part qu'on luy
presente toute froide. Ie n'ay point oüy plaindre mon hoste de ce que
l'on ne l'attendoit pas, n'estant qu'à deux pas de la Cabane. Ils
couchẽt sur la terre bien souuent; à l'enseigne des [109] estoiles.
Ils passerõt vn iour, deux & trois iours sans manger, ne laissans pas
de ramer, chasser, & se peiner tant qu'ils peuuent. L'on verra dans la
suite de cette relation, que tout ce que i'ay dit en ce chapitre est
tres-veritable, & neãtmoins ie n'oserois asseurer que i'aye veu exercer
aucun acte de vraye vertu morale à vn Sauuage: Ils n'ont que leur seul
plaisir & contentement en veuë, adjoustez la crainte de quelque blasme,
& la gloire de paroistre bons chasseurs; voila tout ce qui les meut
dans leurs operations.

    They are not fastidious in their food, beds, and clothes, but are
    very slovenly. They never complain of what is given them; if it be
    cold, if it be warm, it does not matter. When the food is cooked,
    it is divided without waiting for any one, not even the master of
    the house; a share is reserved for him, which is given to him cold.
    I have never heard my host complain because they did not wait for
    him, if he were only a few steps from the Cabin. They often sleep
    upon the ground, at the sign of the [109] stars. They will pass
    one, two, and three days without eating, not ceasing to row, hunt,
    and fatigue themselves as much as they can. It will be seen in the
    course of this relation, that all I have said in this chapter is
    very true; and yet I would not dare to assert that I have seen one
    act of real moral virtue in a Savage. They have nothing but their
    own pleasure and satisfaction in view. Add to this the fear of
    being blamed, and the glory of seeming to be good hunters, and you
    have all that actuates them in their transactions.




CHAPITRE VI.

DE LEURS VICES & DE LEURS IMPERFECTIONS.


LES Sauuages estans remplis d'erreurs, les õt aussi de superbe &
d'orgueil. L'humilité naist de la verité la vanité de l'erreur & du
mensonge; ils sont vuides de la connoissance de la verité, & par
consequent tres remplis d'eux mesmes. Ils s'imaginent que par droit
de naissance ils doiuent ioüir de la liberté de asnons Sauuages, ne
rendant aucune subiection à qui que ce soit, sinon quand il leur
plaist: Ils m'ont reproché cent fois que nous [110] craignõs nos
Capitaines, mais pour eux qu'ils se mocquoient & se gaussoient des
leur: toute l'authorité de leur chef est au bout de ses leures, il est
aussi puissant qu'il est eloquent; & quand il s'est tué de parler & de
haranguer, il ne sera pas obey s'il ne plaist au Sauuages.

    CHAPTER VI.

    ON THEIR VICES AND THEIR IMPERFECTIONS.


    THE Savages, being filled with errors, are also haughty and
    proud. Humility is born of truth, vanity of error and falsehood.
    They are void of the knowledge of truth, and are in consequence,
    mainly occupied with thought of themselves. They imagine that they
    ought by right of birth, to enjoy the liberty of Wild ass colts,
    rendering no homage to any one whomsoever, except when they like.
    They have reproached me a hundred times because we [110] fear our
    Captains, while they laugh at and make sport of theirs. All the
    authority of their chief is in his tongue's end; for he is powerful
    in so far as he is eloquent; and, even if he kills himself talking
    and haranguing, he will not be obeyed unless he pleases the Savages.

Ie ne crois pas qu'il y aye de nation sous le ciel plus mocqueuse
& plus gausseuse que la nation des Montagnais, leur vie se passe
à manger, à rire, & à railler les vns des autres, & de tous les
peuples qu'ils cognoissent; ils n'ont rien de serieux, sinon par fois
l'exterieur faisans parmy nous les graues & les retenus: mais entr'eux
sont de vrais badins, de vrais enfans qui ne demandent qu'à rire. Ie
les [c]achois quelquefois vn petit, notamment le Sorcier, les appellant
des enfans, leurs tesmoignãs que ie ne pouuois asseoir aucun jugement
asseuré sur toutes leurs responses; car si ie leur demandois d'vn, ils
me disoient d'autre, pour trouuer suiet de rire & de gausser: & par
consequent ie ne pouuois connoistre quand ils parloient serieusement,
ou quand ils se mocquoient. La conclusion ordinaire de leurs discours &
de leurs entretiens, est en verité nous nous sommes [111] bien mocquez
d'vn tel.

    I do not believe that there is a nation under heaven more given to
    sneering and bantering than that of the Montagnais. Their life is
    passed in eating, laughing, and making sport of each other, and
    of all the people they know. There is nothing serious about them,
    except occasionally, when they make a pretense among us of being
    grave and dignified; but among themselves they are real buffoons
    and genuine children, who ask only to laugh. Sometimes I annoyed
    them a little, especially the Sorcerer, by calling them children,
    and showing them that I never could place any reliance upon all
    their answers; because, if I questioned them about one thing,
    they told me about something else, only to get something to laugh
    and jest about; and consequently I could not know when they were
    speaking seriously, or when they were jesting. The usual conclusion
    of their discourses and conversations is: "Really, we did make
    [111] a great deal of sport of such and such a one."

I'ay fait voir dans mes lettres precedentes combien les Sauuages sont
vindicatifs enuers leurs ennemis, auec quelle rage & quelle cruauté
ils les traittent, les mageants apres leur auoir fait souffrir tout ce
qu'vn demon incarné pourroit inuenter, cette fureur est commune aux
femmes, aussi bien qu'aux hommes; voire mesme elles les surpassent en
ce poinct. I'ay dit qu'ils mangent les poux qu'ils trouuent sur eux,
non pour aucun goust qu'ils y trouuẽt, mais pource qu'ils veulent
mordre ceux qui les mordent.

    I have shown in my former letters how vindictive the Savages are
    toward their enemies, with what fury and cruelty they treat them,
    eating them after they have made them suffer all that an incarnate
    fiend could invent. This fury is common to the women as well as to
    the men, and they even surpass the latter in this respect. I have
    said that they eat the lice they find upon themselves, not that
    they like the taste of them, but because they want to bite those
    that bite them.

Ce peuple est fort peu touché de compassion, quand quelqu'vn est malade
dans leurs Cabanes, ils ne laissent pas pour l'ordinaire de crier, de
tempester, & de faire autant de bruit, cõme si tout le monde estoit en
santé; ils ne sçauent que c'est de prendre soin d'vn pauure malade, &
de luy donner des viandes qui luy sont bonnes: s'il demande à boire, on
luy en donne, s'il demande à manger, on luy en presente, sinon on le
laisse là: de l'inuiter auec amour & charité, c'est vn langage qu'ils
n'entendent pas; tant qu'vn malade pourra manger, ils le porteront
[112] ou le traisneront auec eux; cesse-il de manger, ils croient que
c'est fait de sa vie, ils le mettent à mort, tant pour le deliurer
du mal qu'il endure, que pour se soulager de la peine qu'ils ont de
le porter quand ils vont en quelqu'autre endroit. I'ay admiré auec
cõpassion la patiẽce des malades que j'ay veu parmi eux.

    These people are very little moved by compassion. When any one
    is sick in their Cabins, they ordinarily do not cease to cry and
    storm, and make as much noise as if everybody were in good health.
    They do not know what it is to take care of a poor invalid, and to
    give him the food which is good for him; if he asks for something
    to drink, it is given to him, if he asks for something to eat, it
    is given to him, but otherwise he is neglected; to coax him with
    love and gentleness, is a language which they do not understand. As
    long as a patient can eat, they will carry [112] or drag him with
    them; if he stops eating, they believe that it is all over with
    him and kill him, as much to free him from the sufferings that he
    is enduring, as to relieve themselves of the trouble of taking him
    with them when they go to some other place. I have both admired
    and pitied the patience of the invalids whom I have seen among them.

Les Sauuages sont mesdisants au de là de ce qu'on en peut penser; ie
dis mesme les vns des autres, ils n'espargnent pas leurs plus proches:
ils sont auec cela fort dissimulez; car si l'vn médit d'vn autre, il
s'en mocquent à gorge desploiée: si l'autre paroist là dessus, il luy
tesmoignera autant d'affection, & le traittera auec autant d'amour,
comme s'il l'auoit mis iusques au troisiesme ciel à force de le loüer.
La raison de cecy prouient à mon aduis de ce que leurs detractions
& mocqueries, ne sortent point d'vn cœur enfielé, ny d'vne bouche
empestée, mais d'vne ame qui dit ce qu'elle pense pour se donner
carriere: & qui veut tirer du contentement de tout, voire mesme des
mesdisances, & des gausseries: c'est pourquoy ils ne se troublent
point; quoy qu'on leur die que d'autres se sont mocqués [113] d'eux, ou
qu'ils ont blessé leur renõmée: tout ce qu'ils repartent ordinairement
à ces discours, c'est _mama irinisiou_, il n'a point d'esprit, il
ne sçait ce qu'il dit: & à la premiere occasion ils payeront leur
detracteur en mesme monnoye, luy rendants le reciproque.

    The Savages are slanderous beyond all belief; I say, also among
    themselves, for they do not even spare their nearest relations,
    and with it all they are deceitful. For, if one speaks ill of
    another, they all jeer with loud laughter; if the other appears
    upon the scene, the first one will show him as much affection and
    treat him with as much love, as if he had elevated him to the third
    heaven by his praise. The reason of this is, it seems to me, that
    their slanders and derision do not come from malicious hearts or
    from infected mouths, but from a mind which says what it thinks
    in order to give itself free scope, and which seeks gratification
    from everything, even from slander and mockery. Hence they are
    not troubled even if they are told that others are making sport
    of [113] them, or have injured their reputation. All they usually
    answer to such talk is, _mama irinisiou_, "He has no sense, he does
    not know what he is talking about;" and at the first opportunity
    they will pay their slanderer in the same coin, returning him the
    like.

La menterie est aussi naturelle aux Sauuages que la parole, non pas
entr'eux, mais enuers les estrangers: en suitte dequoy l'on peut
dire, que la crainte & l'espoir, en vn mot, que l'interest est la
mesure de leur fidelité, ie ne me voudrois cõfier en eux qu'autãt
qu'ils craindroient d'estre punis s'ils manquoient à leur deuoir, ou
qu'ils espereroient d'estre recompensés s'ils estoient fideles. Ils ne
sçauent que c'est d'estre secrets, de tenir leur parole, & d'aimer auec
constance; notamment ceux qui ne sont pas de leur nation, car ils sont
de bon accord parmy eux, & leurs mesdisances & railleries, n'alterent
point leur paix, & leur bonne intelligence.

    Lying is as natural to Savages as talking, not among themselves,
    but to strangers. Hence it can be said that fear and hope, in one
    word, interest, is the measure of their fidelity. I would not be
    willing to trust them, except as they would fear to be punished if
    they failed in their duty, or hoped to be rewarded if they were
    faithful to it. They do not know what it is to keep a secret, to
    keep their word, and to love with constancy,--especially those who
    are not of their nation, for they are harmonious among themselves,
    and their slanders and raillery do not disturb their peace and
    friendly intercourse.

Ie diray en passant que les Sauuages Montagnais ne sont point larrons,
l'entrée leur est libre dans les demeures des François, parce qu'ils
ont la main seure: [114] mais pour les Hurons, si on auoit autant
d'yeux qu'ils ont de doigts aux mains, encore ne les empescheroit-on
pas de dérober, car ils dérobent auec les pieds: ils font profession de
ce mestier, & en suitte d'estre battus si on les descouure. Car cõme
i'ay desia remarqué, ils porteront les coups que vous leur donnerez
patiemment; non pas en reconnoissance de leur peché, mais en punition
de leur stupidité, s'estans laissez surprendre en leur larcin. Ie
laisseray à parler d'eux aux Peres qui les sont allez voir, dont
i'enuierois la condition, n'estoit que celuy qui nous assigne nos
departemẽs est toujours aimable, & toujours adorable, quelque part ou
portiõ qu'il nous dõne.

    I will say in passing that the Montagnais Savages are not thieves.
    The doors of the French are open to them, because their hands can
    be trusted; [114] but, as to the Hurons, if a person had as many
    eyes as they have fingers on their hands, he could not prevent
    them from stealing, for they steal with their feet. They make
    a profession of this art, and expect to be beaten if they are
    discovered. For, as I have already remarked, they will endure the
    blows which you give them, patiently, not as an acknowledgment of
    their fault, but as a punishment for their stupidity in allowing
    themselves to be detected in their theft. I will leave the
    description of them to our Fathers who are going there, whose lot I
    would envy, were it not that he who assigns us our departments is
    always worthy of love and always adorable, whatever part or portion
    he may give us.

Il est du manger parmy les Sauuages, comme du boire parmy les yurognes
d'Europe: ces ames seiches & toujours alterées, expireroient volõtiers
dãs vne cuue de maluoisie, & les Sauuages dans vne marmite pleine de
viande; ceux-là ne parlent que de boire, & ceux cy que de manger.
C'est faire vne espece d'affront à vn Sauuage, de refuser les morceaux
qu'il presente. Vn certain voyant que i'auois remercié mon hoste, qui
me [115] presentoit à manger, me dit, tu ne l'aime pas, puis que tu
l'esconduits: Ie luy dis que nostre coustume n'estoit pas de mãger
à toutes heures, que neantmoins ie prendrois ce qu'il me donneroit,
pourueu qu'il ne m'en donnast guieres souuent. Ils se mirẽt tous à
rire, & vne vieille me dit, que si ie voulois estre aimé de leur
nation, il falloit que ie mangeasse beaucoup. Quand vous les traittez
biẽ, ils témoignent le contentement qu'ils prennent en vostre festin
par ces paroles _tapoué nimitison_, en verité ie mange: comme si
leur souuerain contentement estoit en cette action: & à la fin du
banquet, ils diront pour action de graces, _tapoué_ _ni_k_hispoun_,
veritablemẽt ie suis saoul; c'est à dire, tu m'as bien traitté, i'en ay
iusques à creuer; i'ay desia me semble remarqué cecy. Ils croyent que
c'est bestise & stupidité de refuser: le plus grãd cõtentement qu'ils
puissent auoir en leur Paradis, qui est le ventre. Ie m'écrierois
volõtiers, ô iuste iugement de Dieu, que ce peuple qui met sa derniere
fin à mãger soit tousiours affamé, & ne soit point repeu que comme les
chiens, car leurs festins les plus splendides ne sont pour [116] ainsi
dire, que les os & les reliefs des tables d'Europe; La premiere action
qu'ils font le matin à leur resueil, c'est d'estendre le bras à leur
escuelle d'escorce garnie de chair, & puis de manger. Au commencemẽt
que ie fus auec eux, ie voulus introduire la coustume de prier Dieu
deuant que de manger & de fait ie donnois la benedictiõ quand ils le
vouloiẽt faire: mais l'Apostat me dit, si vous voulez prier autant
de fois qu'on mangera dans la Cabane, preparés vous à dire vostre
_Benedicite_ plus de vingt fois auant la nuict. Ils finissent le iour
comme ils le commencent, ils ont encore le morceau à la bouche, ou le
calumet pour petuner, quand ils mettent la teste sur le cheuet pour
reposer.

    Eating among the Savages is like drinking among the drunkards
    of Europe. Those dry and ever-thirsty souls would willingly end
    their lives in a tub of malmsey, and the Savages in a pot full of
    meat; those over there, talk only of drinking, and these here only
    of eating. It is giving a sort of insult to a Savage to refuse
    the pieces which he offers you. A certain one, seeing that I had
    declined what my host [115] offered me to eat, said to me, "Thou
    dost not love him, since thou refusest him." I told him that it
    was not our custom to eat at all hours; but, nevertheless, I would
    take what he would give me, if he did not give it to me quite so
    often. They all began to laugh; and an old woman said to me that,
    if I wished to be loved by their tribe, I must eat a great deal.
    When you treat them well, they show their satisfaction with your
    feast in these words, _tapoué nimitison_, "I am really eating,"
    as if their highest content were in this action; and at the
    end of the banquet, they will say as an act of thanks, _tapoué
    nikhispoun_, "I am really full;" meaning, "Thou hast treated me
    well; I am full to bursting." It seems to me that I have spoken of
    this before. They believe that it is foolish and stupid to refuse;
    the greatest satisfaction that they can have in their Paradise
    is in the stomach. I do not hesitate to exclaim: Oh, how just is
    the judgment of God, that these people, who place their ultimate
    happiness in eating, are always hungry, and are only fed like dogs;
    for their most splendid feastings are, [116] so to speak, only the
    bones and the leavings of the tables of Europe! Their first act,
    upon awakening in the morning, is to stretch out their arms toward
    their bark dish full of meat, and then to eat. When I first began
    to stay with them, I tried to introduce the custom of praying to
    God before eating, and in fact I pronounced a blessing when they
    wanted it done. But the Apostate said to me, "If you want to pray
    as many times as they will eat in your Cabin, prepare to say your
    _Benedicite_ more than twenty times before night." They end the day
    as they begin it, always with a morsel in their mouths, or with
    their pipes to smoke when they lay their heads on the pillow to
    rest.

Les Sauuages ont tousiours esté gourmands, mais depuis la venuë des
Europeans, ils sont deuenus tellement yurognes, qu'encore qu'ils
voyent bien que ces nouuelles boissons de vin & d'eau de vie, qu'on
leur apporte depeuplẽt leurs pays, & qu'eux mesmes s'en plaignent;
ils ne sçauroient s'abstenir de boire, faisants gloire de s'enyurer,
& d'enyurer les autres. Il est vray qu'ils meurẽt en grand [117]
nombre, mais ie m'estonne encore comme ils peuuent si long temps
resister, car donnez à deux Sauuages deux & trois bouteilles d'eau
de vie, ils s'asseoiront, & sans manger boirõt l'vn apres l'autre,
iusques à ce qu'ils les ayent vuidées. La compagnie de ces Messieurs
est merueilleusement loüable, de defendre la traitte de ces boissons.
Monsieur de Champlain fait tres sagement de tenir la main que ces
deffences soient gardées. I'ay appris que Mõsieur le General du Plessis
les a fait obseruer à Tadoussac. On m'auoit dit que les Sauuages
estoient assez chastes, ie ne parleray pas de tous, ne les ayãt pas
tous frequentez, mais ceux que i'ay conuersez sont fort lubriques, &
hõmes & femmes. Dieu quel aueuglemẽt? quel bõ-heur du peuple Chrestien?
que le chastiement de ces Barbares! au lieu que par admiratiõ nous
disons assés souuent, IESVS qu'est cela! mon Dieu qui a fait cela? ces
vilains & ces infames prononcent les parties des-honnestes de l'homme
& de la femme. Ils ont incessamment la bouche puante de ces ordures, &
mesmes iusques aux petits enfãts, aussi leur disois-je par fois, que
si les [118] pourceaux & les chiens sçauoient parler, ils tiendroient
leur langage. Il est vray que si l'impudique Sorcier ne fust pas venu
dãs la Cabane où i'estois, i'auois gaigné cela sur mes gens, qu'aucun
n'osoit parler des choses des-honnestes en ma presence, mais cét
impudent authorisoit les autres. Les femmes vn peu âgées se chauffent
presque toutes nuës, les filles & les ieunes femmes, sont à l'exterieur
tres-honnestement couuertes, mais entre elles leur disscours sont
puants, comme des cloaques. Il faut neãtmoins aduouër que si la liberté
de se gorger de ces immondices estoit parmy quelques Chrestiens, cõme
elle est parmy ces peuples, on verroit bien d'autres monstres d'excez
qu'on ne voit pas icy; veu mesme que nonobstant les loix Diuines &
humaines, la dissolution y marche plus à descouuert que non pas icy.
Car les yeux n'y sont point offensez. Le seul Sorcier a fait en ma
presence quelque action brutale, les autres battoient seulement mes
oreilles, mais s'apperceuants que ie les entendois, ils en estoient
honteux.

    The Savages have always been gluttons, but since the coming of the
    Europeans they have become such drunkards, that,--although they
    see clearly that these new drinks, the wine and brandy, which are
    brought to them, are depopulating their country, of which they
    themselves complain,--they cannot abstain from drinking, taking
    pride in getting drunk and in making others drunk. It is true that
    they die in great [117] numbers; but I am astonished that they
    can resist it as long as they do. For, give two Savages two or
    three bottles of brandy, they will sit down and, without eating,
    will drink, one after the other, until they have emptied them. The
    company of these Gentlemen is remarkably praiseworthy in forbidding
    the traffic in these liquors. Monsieur de Champlain very wisely
    takes care that these restrictions are observed, and I have heard
    that Monsieur the General du Plessis has had them enforced at
    Tadoussac.[19] I have been told that the Savages are tolerably
    chaste. I shall not speak of all, not having been among them all;
    but those whom I have met are very lewd, both men and women. God!
    what blindness! How great is the happiness of Christian people! How
    great the chastisement of these Barbarians! In place of saying, as
    we do very often, through wonder, "JESUS! what is that? My God! who
    has done that?" these vile and infamous people pronounce the names
    of the private parts of man and woman. Their lips are constantly
    foul with these obscenities; and it is the same with the little
    children. So I said to them, at one time, that if [118] hogs and
    dogs knew how to talk, they would adopt their language. Indeed, if
    the shameless Sorcerer had not come into the Cabin where I was,
    I should have gained thus much from my people, that not one of
    them would dare to speak of impure things in my presence; but this
    impertinent fellow ruled the others. The older women go almost
    naked, the girls and young women are very modestly clad; but,
    among themselves, their language has the foul odor of the sewers.
    It must be admitted, however, that if liberty to gorge oneself in
    such filth existed among some Christians, as it does among these
    people, one would see very different exhibitions of excess from
    what are seen here; for, even despite the laws, both Divine and
    human, dissoluteness strides more openly there than here. For here
    the eyes are not offended. The Sorcerer alone has been guilty of
    any brutal action in my presence; the others only offended my ears,
    but, perceiving that I heard them, they were ashamed.

Or comme ces peuples connoissent bien cette corruption, ils prennent
plustost [119] les enfans de leurs sœurs pour heritiers, que leurs
propres enfans, ou de leurs freres, reuoquans en doute la fidelité
de leurs femmes, & ne pouuãts douter que ces nepueux ne soient tirez
de leur sang, aussi parmy les Hurons, qui sont plus sales que nos
Montagnais; pource qu'ils sont mieux nourris, l'enfant d'vn Capitaine
ne succede pas à son pere, mais le fils de sa sœur.

    Now, as these people are well aware of this corruption, they prefer
    to take [119] the children of their sisters as heirs, rather than
    their own, or than those of their brothers, calling in question
    the fidelity of their wives, and being unable to doubt that these
    nephews come from their own blood. Also among the Hurons,--who
    are more licentious than our Montagnais, because they are better
    fed,--it is not the child of a Captain but his sister's son, who
    succeeds the father.

Le Sorcier me disant vn iour que les femmes l'aimoient, car au dire des
Sauuages, c'est son genie que de se faire aimer de ce sexe. Ie luy dis
que cela n'estoit pas beau qu'vne femme aimast vn autre que son mary;
& que ce mal estãt parmy eux, luy mesme n'estoit pas asseuré, que son
fils qui estoit là present, fut son fils. Il me repartit, tu n'as point
d'esprit: vous autres François vous n'aimez que vos propres enfans,
mais nous, nous cherissons vniuersellement tous les enfans de nostre
nation, ie me mis à rire, voyant qu'il philosophoit en cheual & en
mulet.

    The Sorcerer told me one day that the women were fond of him, for,
    as the Savages say, it is his demon that makes the sex love him.
    I told him that it was not honorable for a woman to love any one
    else except her husband; and that, this evil being among them, he
    himself was not sure that his son, who was there present, was his
    son. He replied, "Thou hast no sense. You French people love only
    your own children; but we all love all the children of our tribe."
    I began to laugh, seeing that he philosophized in horse and mule
    fashion.

Apres toutes ces belles qualitez, les Sauuages en ont encore vne
autre plus onereuse que celles dont nous auons parlé, mais non pas
si meschante; c'est [120] leur importunité enuers les estrangers.
I'ay coustume d'appeller ces cõtrées lá, le pays d'importunité enuers
les estrangers, pource que les mouches, qui en sont le symbole, & le
hierogliphique, ne vous laissent reposer ny iour ny nuict: pendant
quelques mois de l'Esté, elles nous assaillent auec telle furie, &
si continuellement, qu'il n'y a peau qui soit à l'espreuue de leur
aiguillõ: tout le monde leur paye de son sang pour tribut. I'ay veu
des personnes si enflées apres leurs picqueures, qu'on croyoit qu'ils
perdroient les yeux, qui ne paroissoient quasi plus: or tout cela n'est
rien, car enfin cette importunité se chasse auec de la fumée, que les
mouches ne sçauroient supporter, mais ce remede attire les Sauuages:
s'ils sçauent l'heure de vostre disner, ils viẽnent tout exprez pour
auoir à manger, ils demandẽt incessamment, mais auec des presses si
reïterées, que vous diriez qu'ils vous tiennent tousiours à la gorge:
faites leur voir quoy que ce soit, s'il est tant soit peu à leur vsage:
ils vous diront l'aime tu? donne le moy.

    With all these fine qualities, the Savages have another, more
    annoying than those of which we have spoken, but not so wicked;
    it is [120] their importunity toward strangers. I have a habit
    of calling these countries, "the land of importunity toward
    strangers," because the flies, which are the symbol and visible
    representation of it, do not let you rest day or night. During
    certain Summer months, they attack us with such fury, and so
    continually, that no skin is proof against their sting, and every
    one pays his blood as tribute. I have seen persons so swollen after
    being stung by them, that one would think they would lose their
    eyes, which can scarcely be seen; now all that is nothing, for
    this annoyance can be dispelled by means of smoke, which the flies
    cannot stand, but this remedy attracts the Savages,--if they know
    our dinner hour, they come purposely to get something to eat. They
    ask continually, and with such incessant urgency, that you would
    say that they are always holding you by the throat. If you show
    them anything whatever, however little it may be adapted to their
    use, they will say, "Dost thou love it? Give it to me."

Vn certain me disoit vn iour, qu'en son [121] pays on ne sçauoit
point conjuguer le verbe _do_, au present, encore moins au preterit:
les Sauuages ignorent tellemẽt cette coniugaison, qu'ils ne vous
donneroient point la valeur d'vne obole, s'ils ne croient, pour ainsi
dire, retirer vne pistole; ils sont ingrats au dernier point.

    A certain man said to me one day, that in his [121] country they
    did not know how to conjugate the verb _do_, in the present,
    and still less in the past. The Savages are so ignorant of
    this conjugation, that they would not give you the value of an
    obole,[20] if they did not expect, so to speak, to get back a
    pistole; for they are ungrateful in the highest degree.

Nous auons icy tenu & nourry fort long temps nostre Sauuage malade, qui
se vint ietter entre nos bras pour mourir Chrestien, cõme i'ay remarqué
cy-dessus: tous ces cõpatriottes estoient estõnez du bon traittement
que nous luy faisions, ses enfants en sa consideration, apporterent vn
peu de chair d'Elan; on leur demanda ce qu'ils vouloient en eschange,
car les presents des Sauuages sont des marchez: ils demanderent du vin
& de la poudre à Canon, on leur repart qu'on ne leur en pouuoit donner;
que s'ils vouloient autre chose que nous eussions, on leur donneroit
tres volontiers, on leur donna fort bien à manger, & pour conclusion
ils remporterẽt leurs viandes, puisqu'on ne leur donnoit ce qu'ils
demandoient, menaçant qu'ils viendroient requerir leur pere, ce qu'ils
firent; mais le bon hõme ne voulut pas [122] nous quitter; de cét
échantillon, iugez de la piece.

    We have kept here and fed for a long time our sick Savage, who came
    and threw himself into our arms in order to die a Christian, as I
    have stated above. All his fellow-savages were astonished at the
    good treatment we gave him; on his account, his children brought a
    little Elk meat, and they were asked what they wished in exchange,
    for the presents of the Savages are always bargains. They asked
    some wine and Gunpowder, and were told that we could not give them
    these things; but that, if they wished something else that we had,
    we would give it to them very gladly. A good meal was given them,
    and finally they carried back their meat, since we did not give
    them what they asked for, threatening that they would come after
    their father, which they did; but the good man did not wish [122]
    to leave us. From this sample, judge of the whole piece.

Or ne pensez pas qu'ils se comportent ainsi entr'eux, au contraire, ils
sont tres reconnoissants, tres liberaux, & nullement importuns enuers
ceux de leur nation. S'ils se cõportent ainsi enuers nos François, &
enuers les autres estrangers, c'est à mon aduis que nous ne voulons
pas nous allier auec eux comme freres, ce qu'ils souhaitteroient
grandement; mais ce seroit nous perdre en trois iours: cars ils
voudroient que nous allassions auec eux manger de leurs viures tant
qu'ils en auroient, & ils viendroiẽt aussi manger les nostres tãt
qu'ils dureroiẽt: & quand il n'y en auroit plus, nous nous metterions
tous à en chercher d'autres. Voila leur vie qu'ils passent en festins
pendãt qu'ils ont dequoy; mais comme nous n'entendons rien à leur
chasse, & que ce procedé n'est pas loüable, on ne veut pas leur prester
l'oreille. C'est pourquoy ne nous tenants point comme de leur nation,
ils nous traittent à la façon que i'ay dit. Si vn estrãger quel qu'il
soit se iette de leur party, ils le traitteront comme eux. Vn ieune
Hiroquois, auquel [123] ils auoient donné la vie, estoit comme enfant
de la maison; que si vous faites vostre mesnage à part mesprisants
leurs loix, ou leurs coustumes ils vous succeront s'ils peuuent iusques
au sang. Il n'y a mouche, ny guespe, ny taon, si importun qu'vn Sauuage.

    Now do not think that they act thus among themselves; on the
    contrary, they are very grateful, very liberal, and not in the
    least importunate toward those of their own nation. If they conduct
    themselves thus toward our French, and toward other foreigners, it
    is because, it seems to me, that we do not wish to ally ourselves
    with them as brothers, which they would very much desire. But this
    would ruin us in three days; for they would want us to go with
    them, and eat their food as long as they had any, and then they
    would come and eat ours as long as it lasted; and, when there was
    none left, we would all set to work to find more. For that is the
    kind of life they live, feasting as long as they have something;
    but, as we know nothing about their mode of hunting, and as this
    way of doing is not praiseworthy, we do not heed them. Hence, as we
    do not regard ourselves as belonging to their nation, they treat us
    in the way I have described. If any stranger, whoever he may be,
    unites with their party, they will treat him as one of their own
    nation. A young Hiroquois whose [123] life they had spared, was
    like a child of their own family. But if you carry on your affairs
    apart from them, despising their laws or their customs, they will
    drain from you, if they can, even your blood. There is not an
    insect, nor wasp, nor gadfly, so annoying as a Savage.

Ie suis tantost las de parler de leurs desordres, disons quelque chose
de leur saleté, & puis finissons ce chapitre.

    I am rather tired of talking about their irregularities; let us
    speak of their uncleanness, and then end this chapter.

Ils sont sales en leurs habits, en leurs postures[1], en leurs
demeures, & en leur manger, & cependant il n'y a aucune inciuilité
parmy eux; car tout ce qui donne du contentement aux sens, passe pour
honeste.

    They are dirty in their habits, in their postures, in their homes,
    and in their eating; yet there is no lack of propriety among them,
    for everything that gives satisfaction to the senses, passes as
    propriety.

I'ay dit qu'ils sont sales en leurs demeures, l'aduenuë de leurs
Cabanes est vne grange à pourceaux. Iamais ils ne balient leur maison,
ils la tapissent au cõmencement de branches de pin, mais au troisiesme
iour ces brãches sont pleines de poil, de plumes, de cheueux, de
coupeaux, de raclure de bois, & cependant ils n'ont point d'autres
sieges, ny d'autres licts pour se coucher, dõt l'on peut voir de quelle
saleté peuuent estre chargez leurs habits: vray est que ces ordures
[124] & saletez ne paroissent pas, tant dessus leurs robes, que dessus
les nostres.

    I have said that they are dirty in their homes; the entrance to
    their Cabins is like a pig-pen. They never sweep their houses,
    they carpet them at first with branches of pine, but on the third
    day these branches are full of fur, feathers, hair, shavings, or
    whittlings of wood. Yet they have no other seats, nor beds upon
    which to sleep. From this it may be seen how full of dirt their
    clothes must be; it is true that this dirt [124] and filth does not
    show as much upon their clothes as upon ours.

Le Sorcier quittant nostre Cabane pour vn temps, me demanda mon
manteau, pource qu'il faisoit froid, disoit-il; comme si i'euffe esté
plus dispensé des loix de l'Hiuer que non pas luy: ie luy prestay, s'en
estant seruy plus d'un mois, en fin il me le rẽdit si vilain, & si
sale, que i'en estois honteux, car les flegmes & autres immondices qui
le couuroient, luy donnoient vn autre teinture. Le voyant en cét estat,
ie le dépliay exprez deuant luy, afin qu'il le vit; connoissant bien ce
que ie voulois dire, il me dit fort à propos, tu dis que tu veux estre
Mõtagnais & Sauuage comme nous, si cela est, ne sois pas marry d'en
porter l'habit; car voila comme sont faites nos robes.

    The Sorcerer leaving our Cabin for a while, asked me for my cloak,
    because it was cold, he said, as if I more than he were exempt from
    the rigors of Winter. I lent it to him, and, after having used it
    more than a month, he returned it to me at last so nasty and dirty,
    that I was ashamed of it, for it was covered with phlegm and other
    filth which gave it a different color. Seeing it in this condition,
    I purposely unfolded it before him, that he might see it. Knowing
    very well what I meant, he quite aptly remarked to me, "Thou sayest
    that thou wouldst like to be a Montagnais and Savage, like us; if
    that is so, do not be troubled about wearing the cloak, for that is
    just the way our clothes look."

Quand est de leur posture, elle suit la douceur de leur commodité, &
non les regles de la bien seance: les Sauuages ne preferent iamais ce
qui est honneste à ce qui est delectable. I'ay veu souuent le pretendu
magicien couché tout nud, hormis vn mechant brayer plus sale qu'vn
torchon de cuisine, plus noir qu'vn écouillõ de four, retirer vne de
ses [125] iambes contre la cuisse, & mettre l'autre sur son genoüil
releué, haraguant ses gens en cette posture, son auditoire n'auoit pas
plus de grace.

    As to their postures, they follow their own sweet wills, and not
    the rules of good breeding. The Savages never prefer what is decent
    to what is agreeable. I have often seen the pretended magician lie
    down entirely naked,--except a miserable strip of cloth dirtier
    than a dish-cloth, and blacker than an oven-mop,--draw up one of
    his [125] legs against his thigh, place the other upon his raised
    knee, and harangue his people in this position, his audience being
    scarcely more graceful.

Pour leur manger, il est tant soit peu plus net que la mangeaille que
l'on donne aux animaux, & non pas encore tousiours, ie ne dis rien par
exaggeration, i'en ay gousté & vescu quasi six mois durant. Nous auiõs
trois écroüélés en nostre Cabane, le fils du Sorcier qui les auoit à
l'oreille d'vne façon fort sale, & pleine d'horreur; son neueu qui
les auoit au col, vne fille qui les auoit sous vn bras; ie ne sçay si
ce sont vrayes escroüelles, quoy qu'il en soit, ce mal est plein de
pus, couuert d'vne croute fort horrible à voir: ils en sont quasi tous
frappez en leur ieunesse, tant pour leur saleté, que pource qu'on ne
fait point de difficulté de boire & de mãger auec des malades. Ie les
ay veu cent fois patroüiller dans la chaudiere où estoit nostre boisson
cõmune, y lauer leurs mains, y boire à pleine teste comme les bestes,
reietter leurs restes là dedans; car c'est la coustume des Sauuages,
y fourrer des bastons demy brulés, & pleins de cendre, y plonger de
[126] leur vaisselle d'escorce pleine de graisses, de poil d'Orignaux,
de cheueux, y puiser de l'eau auec des chaudrons noirs com[me] la
cheminée: & aprés tout cela, nous beuuions tous de ce broüet, noir
comme de l'ambroisie. Ce n'est pas tout, ils reiettẽt là dedãs les os
qu'ils ont rongé, puis vous mettent de l'eau ou de la neige dans la
chaudiere, la fõt boüillir, & voila de l'hipocras. Vn certain iour des
souliers venant d'estre quittés, tomberent dãs nostre boisson, ils se
lauerent à leur aise, on les retira sans autre ceremonie puis on beut
apres eux comme si rien ne fut arriué. Ie ne suis pas bien delicat, si
est-ce que ie n'eus point de soif tant que cette maluoisie dura.

    As to their food, it is very little, if any, cleaner than the swill
    given to animals, and not always even as clean. I say nothing in
    exaggeration, as I have tasted it and lived upon it for almost
    six months. We had three persons in our Cabin afflicted with
    scrofula,--the son of the Sorcerer, whose ear was very disgusting
    and horrid from this disease; his nephew, who had it in his neck;
    and a daughter, who had it under one arm. I do not know whether
    this is the real scrofula; whatever it is, this sore is full of
    pus, and covered with a horrible-looking crust. They are nearly
    all attacked by this disease, when young, both on account of their
    filthy habits, and because they eat and drink indiscriminately with
    the sick. I have seen them a hundred times paddle about in the
    kettle containing our common drink; wash their hands in it; drink
    from it, thrusting in their heads, like the animals; and throw into
    it their leavings; for this is the custom of the Savages, to thrust
    sticks into it that are half-burned and covered with ashes; to dip
    therein [126] their bark plates covered with grease, the fur of the
    Moose, and hair; and to dip water therefrom with kettles as black
    as the chimney; and after that, we all drank from this black broth,
    as if it were ambrosia. This is not all; they throw therein the
    bones that they have gnawed, then put water or snow in the kettle,
    let it boil, and behold their hippocras. One day some shoes, which
    had just been taken off, fell into our drink; they soaked there
    as long as they pleased, and were withdrawn without exciting any
    special attention, and then the water was drunk as if nothing
    whatever had happened. I am not very fastidious, but I was not very
    thirsty as long as this malmsey lasted.

Iamais ils ne lauent leurs mains exprés pour manger, encore moins leur
chaudiere, & point du tout la viande qu'ils fõt cuire, quoy que le
plus souuent (ie le dis comme ie l'ay veu cent & cent fois) elle soit
toute couuerte de poil de bestes, & de cheueux de leurs testes: Ie
n'ay iamais beu aucun boüillon parmy eux, qu'il ne m'aye fallu jetter
quãtité de ces poils & de ces cheueux, & bien d'autres ordures; comme
des charbons, des petits [127] morceaux de bois, & mesme du baston
dont ils attisent le feu, & remuent bien souuent ce qui est dans la
chaudiere: ie les ay veu par fois prẽdre vn tison ardẽt, le mettre dãs
la cendre pour l'esteindre: puis quasi sans le secoüer, le tremper dãs
la chaudiere ou trempoit nostre disner.

    They never wash their hands expressly before eating, still less
    their kettles, and the meat they cook, not at all,--although it
    is usually (I say this because I have seen it hundreds of times)
    all covered with the animal's hairs, and with those from their own
    heads. I have never drunk any broth among them, from which I did
    not have to throw out many of these hairs, and a variety of other
    rubbish, such as cinders, little [127] pieces of wood, and even
    sticks with which they have stirred the fire and frequently stirred
    up the contents of the kettle. I have occasionally seen them take
    a blazing brand and put it in the ashes to extinguish it, then,
    almost without shaking it, dip it into the kettle where our dinner
    was simmering.

Quand ils font secherie de la chair, ils vous ietteront par terre tout
vn costé d'Orignac, ils le battent auec des pierres; ils marchent
dessus, le foulent auec leurs pieds tout sales, les poils d'hõmes & de
bestes, les plumes d'oiseaux s'ils en ont tué, la terre & la cendre;
tout cela s'incorpore auec la viande, qu'ils font quasi durcir comme
du bois à la fumée; puis quand ils viennent à manger de ce boucan,
tout s'en va de compagnie dans l'estomach, car ils n'ont point d'eau de
despart: en vn mot ils croient que nous n'auons point d'esprit de lauer
nostre viande, car vne partie de la graisse s'en va tousiours auec
l'eau.

    When they are engaged in drying meat, they will throw down upon the
    ground a whole side of the Moose, beat it with stones, walk over
    it, trample upon it with their dirty feet; the hairs of men and of
    animals, the feathers of birds, if they have killed any, dirt and
    ashes,--all these are ground into the meat, which they make almost
    as hard as wood with the smoke. Then when they come to eat this
    dried meat, all goes together into the stomach, for they have not
    washed it. In fact, they think that we are very foolish to wash
    our meat, for some of the grease goes away with the water.

Quand la chaudiere commence a boüillir, ils recueillent l'écume fort
soigneusement, & la mangent auec delices: ils m'en presentoient auec
faueur, ie la trouuois bonne durant nostre famine, mais depuis [128]
venant par fois a les remercier de ce present, ils m'appelloient
superbe & orgueilleux: ils chassent au rats & aux souris par plaisir,
comme aux lieures, & les trouuent également bons.

    When the kettle begins to boil, they gather the scum very carefully
    and eat it as a delicacy. They gave some to me as a favor, and
    during our famine I found it good; but since [128] then, when
    I sometimes happened to decline this present, they called me
    fastidious and proud. They take delight in hunting rats and mice,
    the same as rabbits, and find them just as good.

Les Sauuages ne mangent pas comme nos François dãs vn plat, ou autre
vaisselle commune à tous ceux qui sont à table; l'vn d'entr'eux descend
la chaudiere de dessus le feu, & fait les parts à vn chacun, presentant
par fois la viande au bout d'vn baston, mais le plus souuent sãs
prendre ceste peine, il vous iettera vne piece de chair toute brulante,
& pleine de graisse, cõme on ietteroit vn os a vn chiẽ; disant
_Na_K_himitchimi_, tiens, voila ta part, voila ta nourriture; si vous
estes habile-homme, vous la retenés auec les mains, sinon garde que la
robe ne s'en sente, où que les cendres ne seruent de sel, puisque les
Sauuages n'en ont point d'autre.

    The Savages do not eat as we French do, from a dish or other
    vessel, common to all those at the table; but one of them takes
    down the kettle from the fire and distributes to each one his
    share; sometimes presenting the meat at the end of a stick, but
    oftener without taking this trouble, he will throw you a piece of
    meat boiling hot, and full of grease, as we would throw a bone to a
    dog; saying, _Nakhimitchimi_, "Take it! this is thy share, here is
    thy food." If you are quick, you catch it in your hands; otherwise,
    look out that your gown does not catch it, or that the ashes do not
    serve as salt, for the Savages have no other.

Ie me suis veu bien empesché au commencement, car n'osant couper la
chair qu'ils me donnoient dãs mon plat d'écorce de peur de le blesser,
ie ne sçauois comment en venir à bout, n'ayant point d'assiette. En fin
il se fallut faire tout à tout, deuenir Sauuages auec les Sauuages: Ie
[129] iettay les yeux sur mon compagnon, puis ie taschay d'estre aussi
braue homme que luy. Il prend sa chair à pleine main, & vous la couppe
morceaux apres morceaux, comme on feroit vne piece de pain, que si la
chair est vn peu dure, ou qu'elle cede au cousteau pour estre trop
molasse; ils vous la tiennent d'vn bout par les dents, & de l'autre
auec la main gauche, puis la main droitte iouë là dessus du violon,
se seruãt de cousteau pour archet; & cecy est si commun parmy les
Sauuages, qu'ils ont vn mot propre pour exprimer cette actiõ, que nous
ne pouuons expliquer qu'en plusieurs paroles & par circumloqution. Si
vous esgarez vostre cousteau, comme il n'y a point de couteliers dans
ces grãds bois, vous estes condamnez à prendre vostre portion à deux
belles mains, & mordre dans la chair & dans la graisse aussi brauement,
mais non pas si honnestement que vous feriez dans vn quartier de
põme; Dieu sçait si les mains, si la bouche, & vne partie de la face
reluisent par apres? le mal est que ie ne sçauois à quoy m'essuyer; de
porter du linge, il faudroit vn mulet, ou bien faire tous les jours la
[130] lessiue: car en moins de riẽ tout se change en torchon de cuisine
dans leurs Cabanes. Pour eux ils torchẽt leurs mains à leurs cheueux,
qu'ils nourrissent fort longs, d'autrefois à leurs chiens: ie veis vne
femme qui m'apprit vn secret, elle nettoya ses mains à ses souliers,
ie fis le mesme; ie me seruois aussi de poil d'Orignac, & de branches
de pin, & notamment de bois pourry puluerisé, ce sont les essuyemains
des Sauuages; on ne s'en sert pas si doucement comme d'vne toile
d'Hollande, mais peut-estre plus gayement & plus ioyeusement. C'est
assez parlé de ces ordures.

    I found myself very much embarrassed, in the beginning; for not
    daring to cut the meat they gave me in my bark dish, for fear of
    spoiling the dish, I did not know how to manage it, not having any
    plate. Finally I had to become all to all, and a Savage with the
    Savages. I [129] cast my eyes upon my companion, then I tried to
    be as brave a man as he was. He took his meat in his open hand,
    and cut from it morsel after morsel, as you would do with a piece
    of bread. But if the meat is a little tough, or if it slips away
    from the knife from being too soft, they hold one end of it with
    their teeth, and the other with the left hand, then the right
    hand plays upon it in violin fashion, the knife serving as a bow.
    And this is so common among the Savages, that they have a word to
    express this action, which we could only explain with several words
    and by circumlocution. If you were to lose your knife, as there
    are no cutlers in these great forests, you are compelled to take
    your share in your two hands, and to bite into the flesh and into
    the fat, as bravely but not so politely, as you would bite into
    a quarter of an apple. God knows how the hands, the mouth, and a
    part of the face shine after this operation. The trouble was, I
    did not know upon what to wipe them. To carry linen with you would
    require a mule, or a daily [130] washing; for, in less than no
    time, everything is converted into dish-cloths in their Cabins. As
    to them, they wipe their hands upon their hair, which they allow
    to grow very long, or else, upon their dogs. I saw a woman who
    taught me a secret; she wiped her hands upon her shoes, and I did
    the same. I also used Moose fur, pine branches, and, especially,
    powdered rotten wood. These are the hand-towels of the Savages.
    One does not use them as pleasantly as a piece of Holland linen,
    but perhaps more gaily and joyously. Enough has been said of their
    filth.




CHAPITRE VII.

DES VIANDES & AUTRES METS DONT MANGENT LES SAUUAGES, DE LEUR
ASSAISONNEMENT, & DE LEURS BOISSONS.


ENTRE les animaux terrestres ils ont des Elans, qu'on appelle
ordinairement icy des Origenaux, des Castors, que les Anglois nomment
des Bieures, des Caribõs, qualifiez par quelques vns asnes Sauuages:
ils ont encore des Ours, [131] des Blereaux, des Porcs épics, des
Renards, des Lieures, des Siffleurs ou Rossignols, c'est vn animal plus
gros qu'vn Lieure; ils mangent en outre des Marthes, & des Ecurieux de
trois especes.

    CHAPTER VII.

    ON THE MEATS AND OTHER DISHES WHICH THE SAVAGES EAT, THEIR
    SEASONING, AND THEIR DRINKS.


    AMONG their terrestrial animals they have the Elk, which is here
    generally called the Moose; Castors, which the English call
    Beavers; Caribou,[21] by some called the Wild ass; they also
    have Bears, [131] Badgers, Porcupines, Foxes, Hares, Whistler or
    Nightingale,--this is an animal larger than a Hare;[22] they eat
    also Martens, and three kinds of Squirrels.

Pour les oiseaux, ils ont des Outardes, des Oyes blãches & grises,
des Canards de plusieurs especes, des Sarcelles, des Bernaches, des
Plongeurs de plusieurs sortes; ce sont tous oiseaux de riuiere. Ils
prennent encore des Perdrix ou de Gelinottes grises, des Beccasses &
Becassines de quantité d'especes, des Tourterelles, &c.

    As to birds, they have Bustards, white and gray Geese, several
    species of Ducks, Teals, Ospreys and several kinds of Divers. These
    are all river birds. They also catch Partridges or gray Hazel-hens,
    Wood-cocks and Snipe of many kinds, Turtle doves, etc.

Quand au Poisson, ils prennent en vn temps des Saulmons de diuerses
sortes, des Loups marins, des Brochets, des Carpes, & Esturgeons de
diuerses especes, des Poissons blancs, des Poissons dorez, des Barbuës,
des Anguilles, des Lamproyes, de L'esplanc, des Tortues & autres.

    As to Fish, they catch, in the season, different kinds of Salmon,
    Seals, Pike, Carp, and Sturgeon of various sorts; Whitefish,
    Goldfish, Barbels, Eels, Lampreys, Smelt, Turtles, and others.

Ils mangent en outre quelques petits fruicts de la terre, des
framboises, des bleuës, des fraises, des noix qui n'ont quasi point
de chair, des noisettes, des pommes sauuages plus douces que celles
de France, mais beaucoup plus petites; [332 i.e., 132] des cerises,
dont la chair & le noyau ensemble ne sont pas plus grosses que les
noyaux des Bigarreaux de France. Ils ont encore d'autres petits fruicts
Sauuages de diuerses sortes, des Lambruches en quelques endroicts: bref
tout ce qu'ils ont de fruict (ostez les fraises & les framboises qu'ils
ont en quantité) ne vaut pas vne seule espece des moindres fruicts de
l'Europe.

    They eat, besides some small ground fruits, such as raspberries,
    blueberries, strawberries, nuts which have very little meat,
    hazelnuts, wild apples sweeter than those of France, but much
    smaller; [332 i.e., 132] cherries, of which the flesh and pit
    together are not larger than the pit of the Bigarreau cherry in
    France. They have also other small Wild fruits of different kinds,
    in some places Wild Grapes; in short, all the fruits they have
    (except strawberries and raspberries, which they have in abundance)
    are not worth one single species of the most ordinary fruits of
    Europe.

Ils mangent en outre des racines comme des oignons de martagons rouges,
vne racine, qui a goust de reglisse, vne autre que nos François
appellent des chapelets, pource qu'elle est distinguée par nœuds en
forme de grains, & quelques autres en petit nombre.

    They eat, besides, roots, such as bulbs of the red lily; a root
    which has a taste of liquorice; another that our French People call
    "rosary," because it is distinguished by tubers in the form of
    beads; and some others, not very numerous.[23]

Quand la grande famine les presse, ils mangent des racleures ou des
escorces d'vn certain arbre, qu'ils nomment _Michtan_, lesquels ils
fendent au Printẽps pour en tirer vn suc doux comme du miel, ou cõme du
sucre: à ce que m'ont dit quelques vns, mais à peine s'amusent ils à
cela tant il en coule peu.

    When they are pressed by famine, they eat the shavings or bark of
    a certain tree, which they call _Michtan_, which they split in the
    Spring to get from it a juice, sweet as honey or as sugar;[24] I
    have been told of this by several, but they do not enjoy much of
    it, so scanty is the flow.

Voila les viandes & autres mets, dont se repaissent les Sauuages des
contrées où nous sommes; I'obmets sans doute [133] plusieurs autres
especes d'animaux, mais ils ne me reuiennent pas maintenant en la
memoire.

    These, then, are the meats and other articles of food upon which
    the Savages, of these countries where we are, subsist. I omit,
    without doubt, [133] several other species of animals, but I do not
    recall them at present.

Outre ces viures que ce peuple tire de son pays sans cultiuer la terre,
ils ont encore des farines & des bleds d'Inde; qu'ils troquent pour
des peaux d'Orignac auec les Hurons, qui descendent iusques à Kebec,
ou iusques aux trois riuieres. Ils acheptẽt encore du Petun de cette
nation, qui quasi tous les ans en a porté en grande quantité.

    Besides these foods, which this people find in their own country
    without cultivating the soil, they have also cereals and Indian
    corn, which they trade for Moose skins with the Hurons, who come
    down as far as Kebec or the three rivers. They also buy Tobacco
    from that nation, who bring large quantities of it with them every
    year.[25]

De plus, ils ont de nos François de la galette, du biscuit, du pain,
des pruneaux, des pois, des racines, des figues, & choses semblables.
Voila dequoy se nourrit ce pauure peuple.

    Besides, they get from our French People galette, or sea biscuit,
    bread, prunes, peas, roots, figs, and the like. You have here the
    food of these poor people.

Quand à leurs boissons, ils n'en font aucune ny de racines ny de
fruicts, se contentans d'eau pure, il est vray que le boüillon dans
lequel ils ont cuit la viãde, & vn autre boüillon qu'ils font d'os
d'Elan concassez & brisez, seruent aussi de boisson. Vn certain
villageois disoit en France, que s'il eust esté Roy il n'eut beu que
de la gresse, les Sauuages en boiuent assez souuent, voire mesme ils
la mangent & mordent dedans, quand [134] elle est figée, comme nous
morderions dans vne pomme. Quand ils ont faict cuire vn Ours bien gras
ou deux ou trois Castors dans vne chaudiere, vous les verriez ramasser
& recueillir la gresse sur le boüillõ, auec vne large cuillier de bois,
& gouster cette liqueur comme le plus doux Parochimel qu'ils ayent:
quelquesfois ils en remplissent vn grand plat d'escorce, qui faict la
ronde à l'entour des conuiez au festin, & chacun en boit auec plaisir.
D'autres ayant ramassé cette gresse toute pure, ils iettent dedans
quantité de neige; ce qu'ils font encore dans le boüillon gras, quand
ils veulent boire vn peu froid, vous verriez de gros morceaux de gresse
figée sur ce breuuage, & neantmoins ils le boiuent & l'auallent comme
de l'Hipocras. Voila à mon aduis toutes les sortes de boissons qui se
retreuuent parmy nos Sauuages, & dont ils m'ont faict gouster en Hiuer.
Il a esté vn temps qu'ils auoient horreur de nos boissons d'Europe,
mais ils se vendroient maintenant pour en auoir tant ils les ayment.
Ie me suis quasi oublié de dire qu'ordinairement ils boiuent chaud
ou tiede; ils me tançoient [135] par fois, me voyant boire de l'eau
froide, me disants que ie serois maigre, & que cela me refroidiroit
iusques dans les os.

    As to their drinks, they make none, either from roots or fruits,
    being satisfied with pure water. It is true that the broth in
    which they have cooked the meat, and another broth which they make
    of the ground and broken bones of the Elk, serve as beverages.
    A certain peasant said in France that, if he were King, he would
    drink nothing but grease; the Savages do drink it very often, and
    even eat and bite into it, when [134] it is hard, as we would bite
    into an apple. When they have cooked a very fat Bear, or two or
    three Beavers, in a kettle, you will see them skim off the grease
    from the broth with a large wooden spoon, and taste this liquor as
    if what they had were the sweetest Parochimel. Sometimes they fill
    with it a large bark dish, and it goes the rounds of the guests at
    the feast, each one drinking with pleasure. At other times, having
    gathered this clear grease, they throw into it a quantity of snow;
    this they do also in their greasy soup, when they wish to drink
    it somewhat cool. You will see great lumps of grease floating on
    the top of this drink, and yet they swallow it like Hippocras.[26]
    These are, I believe, all the kinds of beverages to be found among
    the Savages, and which they had me taste during the Winter. There
    was a time when they had a horror of our European drinks; but they
    have now become so fond of these, that they would sell themselves
    to get them. I almost have forgotten to say that they generally
    drink everything warm or tepid, and sometimes blame me [135] when
    they see me drink cold water, telling me that I will become thin,
    and that it will chill me even to the bone.

De plus, ils n'entremeslent point le manger & le boire comme nous, mais
on distribue premierement la chair ou les autres mets, puis ayant mangé
ce qu'ils veulent, on partage le boüillon, où on le met en certain
endroict, & chacun y va boire qui veut.

    Also, they do not mix their eating and drinking as we do; but they
    first distribute the meat or other dishes; then, having eaten what
    they want, they divide the broth, or it is put in a certain place,
    and each one goes and drinks as he likes.

Disons pour conclusion de ce poinct, que les Sauuages auec tant
d'animaux, tant d'oiseaux & de poissons, sont quasi tousiours affamez;
la raison est, que les oiseaux & les poissons sont passagers, s'en
allant & retournãt à certain temps, & auec cela ils ne sont pas trop
grands gybboyeurs, & encore moins bons ménagers, car ce qu'ils tuent
en vn iour ne void pas l'autre, excepté l'Elan & l'Anguille, dont
ils font secherie quand ils en ont en grande abondance, si bien que
pendant le mois de Septembre & octobre, ils viuent pour la plus part
d'anguilles fresches en Nouembre, Decembre, & souuent en Ianuier, ils
mangent leurs anguilles boucanées, & quelques Porcs epics [136] qu'ils
prennent pendant les petites neiges, cõme aussi quelques Castors s'ils
en trouuent. Quand les grandes neiges sont venuës ils mangent l'Orignac
frais, ils le font seicher pour se nourrir le reste du temps iusques
en Septembre, auec quelques oiseaux, quelques Ours & Castors qu'ils
prennent au Printemps & pendant l'Esté: Or si toutes ces chasses ne
donnent point (ce qui n'ariue que trop souuent pour eux) ils souffrent
grandement.

    Let us say, in concluding this subject, that with all their
    animals, birds and fish, the Savages are almost always hungry; the
    reason for this is, that the birds and fish are migratory, going
    and returning at certain times. Besides, they are not very great
    hunters, and are still poorer managers; for what they kill in one
    day is not seen the next, except the Elk and Eels, which they dry
    when they have them in great abundance. So that, during the months
    of September and October, they live for the most part upon fresh
    eels; in November, December and often in January, they eat their
    smoked eels, some Porcupines, [136] which they take during the
    lighter snowfalls, as also a few Beavers, if they find them. When
    the heavy snows come, they eat fresh Moose meat; they dry it, to
    live upon the rest of the time until September; and with this they
    have a few birds, Bears, and Beavers, which they take in the Spring
    and during the Summer. Now, if the hunt for all these animals does
    not succeed (which with them occurs only too often) they suffer
    greatly.




CHAPITRE VIII.

DE LEURS FESTINS.


IL n'y a que les chasseurs effectiuemẽt & ceux qui l'ont esté, qui
soient ordinairement conuiez aux festins, les femmes vefues y vont
aussi: notamment si ce n'est pas vn festin à manger tout, les filles,
les femmes mariées, & les enfans en sont quasi tousiours exclus. Ie dis
quasi tousiours, car par fois on les inuite, ie leur ay veu faire des
_Acoumagouchanai_, c'est à dire des festins à ne rien laisser, ausquels
tout le monde se trouuoit, les [137] hõmes, fẽmes, & petits enfans:
quand ils ont grãde abondance de viures, les femmes font quelquefois
des festins par entr'elles, où les hõmes ne se trouuẽt point.

    CHAPTER VIII.

    ON THEIR FEASTS.


    ONLY actual hunters, and those who have been hunters, are usually
    invited to their feasts, to which widows go also, especially if it
    is not an eat-all feast. The girls, married women, and children,
    are nearly always excluded. I say nearly always, for occasionally
    they are invited. I have known them to have _Acoumagouchanai_, that
    is to say, feasts where nothing is to be left, to which every one
    was invited, [137] men, women, and little children. When they have
    a great abundance of food, sometimes the women have a feast of
    their own, where the men are not found.

Leur façon d'inuiter est sans fard & sans ceremonie, quand tout est
cuit & prest à manger (car on n'inuite personne auparauant) quelqu'vn
s'en va par les Cabanes où sont ceux qui doiuent estre conuiez,
ou bien mesme on leur criera ce mot du lieu où se faict le festin
k_hinatonmigaouinaouau_, vous estes inuitez au banquet, les hommes
ausquels ce mot s'adresse, respondent _ho ho_, & prenant sur l'heure
mesme leur plat d'escorce & leur cueiller de bois, s'en viennent en
la Cabane de celuy qui les traitte. Quand tous les hommes ne sont pas
inuitez, on nomme ceux qu'on veut conuier; le deffaut de ceremonies
faict épargner beaucoup de paroles à ces bõnes gens. Il me semble qu'au
siecle d'or on faisoit comme cela, sinon que la netteté y estoit en
plus grande recommandation que parmy ces peuples.

    Their way of inviting is straightforward and without ceremony. When
    all is cooked and ready to eat (for no one is invited before),
    some one goes through the Cabins of those who are to be invited;
    or else they will cry out to them this word, from the place where
    the feast is given, _khinatonmigaouinaouau_, "You are invited to
    the banquet." The men to whom this word is addressed, answer, _ho
    ho_, and straightway taking their own bark dish and wooden spoon,
    come to the Cabin of the one who is to entertain them. When all the
    men are not invited, those who are desired are named. The absence
    of ceremony spares these simple people many words. It seems to me
    in the golden age they must have done like this, except that then
    cleanliness was in higher favor than among these people.

Dans tous les festins, comme aussi dans leurs repas ordinaires, on
donne à vn chacun sa part, d'où vient qu'il n'y en a [138] que deux
ou trois qui ayẽt les meilleurs morceaux, car ils ne les diuisent
point: ils donneront par exemple la langue d'vn Orignac, & toutes ses
appartenances à vne seule personne, la queuë & la teste d'vn Castor à
vn autre; voila les meilleures pieces, qu'ils appellent _Mascanou_, la
part du Capitaine. Pour les boyaux gras de l'Orignac, qui sont leurs
grands delices, ils les font ordinairement rostir & en font gouster à
tous, comme aussi d'vn autre mets, dont ils font grand estat, c'est le
gros boyau de la beste remply de gresse, & rosty auec vne corde qui
pend & tourne deuant le feu.

    In all the feasts, as well as in their ordinary repasts, each
    one is given his part, from which it happens that [138] only two
    or three have the best pieces, for they do not divide them. For
    example, they will give the tongue of a Moose and all the giblets
    to a single person, the tail and head of a Beaver to another; these
    are the best pieces, which they call _Mascanou_, "the Captain's
    part." As to the fat intestines of the Moose, which are their great
    delicacies, they usually roast them and let every one taste them,
    as they do another dish, which they hold in high esteem,--namely,
    the large intestine of the beast filled with grease, and roasted,
    fastened to a cord, hanging and turning before the fire.

Au reste ils sont magnifiques en ces festins, car ils ne presentent
que les bonnes viandes les separants exprés, & donnant à chacun tres
abondamment, quand ils en ont.

    Also they are very magnificent in these feasts, for they only offer
    the good meat, separating it expressly, and giving to each one very
    abundantly, when they have it.

Ils ont deux sortes de festins, les vns à manger tout, les autres à
mãger ce qu'on voudra, remportant le reste pour en faire part à leur
famille. Cette derniere façon me semble loüable, car il n'y a point
d'excez, chacun prend autant qu'il luy plaist de la portion qui luy
est donnée; [139] voire i'oserois dire que c'est vne belle inuention
pour conseruer l'amitié entr'eux, & pour se nourrir les vns les autres:
car ordinairement les peres de famille ne mangent qu'vne partie de
leurs mets, portans le reste à leurs femmes & à leurs enfans, le mal
est qu'ils font trop souuent des festins dans la famine que nous
auons enduré: si mõ hoste prenoit deux, trois, & quatre Castors, tout
aussi tost fut-il iour, fut-il nuict on en faisoit festin à tous les
Sauuages voisins; & si eux auoient pris quelque chose, ils en faisoient
de mesme à mesme temps: si que sortant d'vn festin vous allez à vn
autre, & par fois encore à vn troisiesme, & vn quatriesme. Ie leur
disois qu'ils ne faisoient pas bien, & qu'il valoit mieux reseruer ces
festins aux iours suiuans, & que ce faisant nous ne serions pas tant
pressez de la faim; ils se mocquoient de moy, demain (disoient-ils)
nous ferons encore festin de ce que nous prendrons; oüy mais le plus
souuent ils ne prenoient que du froid & du vent.

    They have two kinds of feasts,--one at which everything is eaten;
    the other at which the guests eat what they please, carrying away
    the rest to divide with their families. This last feast seems to me
    praiseworthy, for there is no excess, each one taking as much as he
    likes of the portion given to him; [139] indeed, I would venture
    to say that it is a happy invention to preserve friendship among
    them, and for each to help feed the others. For usually the heads
    of families only eat a part of their share, carrying the rest to
    their wives and children. The trouble is that their feasts come
    too often. In the famine through which we passed, if my host took
    two, three, or four Beavers, immediately, whether it was day or
    night, they had a feast for all the neighboring Savages. And if
    those people had captured something, they had one also at the same
    time; so that, on emerging from one feast, you went to another,
    and sometimes even to a third and a fourth. I told them that they
    did not manage well, and that it would be better to reserve these
    feasts for future days, and in doing this they would not be so
    pressed with hunger. They laughed at me. "To-morrow" (they said)
    "we shall make another feast with what we shall capture." Yes, but
    more often they captured only cold and wind.

Pour leurs festins à ne rien laisser, ils sont tres blamables, & c'est
neantmoins l'vne de leurs grandes deuotions, car ils [140] font ces
festins pour auoir bonne chasse, il se faut bien donner de garde que
les chiens n'en goustent tant soit peu, tout seroit perdu, leur chasse
ne vaudroit rien; Et remarquez que plus ils mangent plus ce festin
est efficace; de là vient qu'ils dõneront à vn seul homme, ce que ie
ne voudrois pas entreprendre de manger, auec trois bons disneurs, ils
creueroient plustost, pour ainsi dire, que de rien laisser. Vray qu'ils
se peuuent ayder les vns les autres; quand quelqu'vn n'en peut plus, il
prie son compagnon de l'assister, où bien l'on fait passer son reste
pardeuant les autres qui en prennent chacun vne partie, & apres tout
cela s'il en reste on le iette au feu; celuy qui mange le plus est le
plus estimé, vous les entendez raconter leurs proüesses de gueule,
specifiants la quantité & les parties de la beste qu'ils ont mãgé; Dieu
sçait quelle musique apres le banquet, car ces Barbares donnent toute
liberté à leur estomach & à leur ventre, de tenir le langage qui leur
plaist pour se soulager; quand aux odeurs qu'on sent pour lors dans
leurs Cabanes, elles sont plus fortes que l'odeur des roses, mais elles
ne sont pas si douces, vous les voyez haleter [141] & souffler comme
des gens remplis iusques au gosier; & de faict comme ils sont nuds,
ie les voyois enflez iusques à la gorge, encore ont ils du courage
là dedans, leur cœur retient ce qu'on luy donne, ie n'ay veu que
l'estomach du Sorcier mécontent de ce qu'on luy auoit donné, quantité
d'autres en approchoient de bien prés, mais ils tenoient bon. I'en ay
veu par fois de malades apres ces excez.

    As to their "leave-nothing" feasts, they are very blamable; and
    yet this is one of their great devotions, because they [140] make
    these feasts in order to have a successful chase. They must be
    very careful that the dogs taste nothing of this, or all will be
    lost, and their hunting will be worthless. And notice that, the
    more they eat, the more efficacious is this feast. Hence it happens
    that they will give, to one man, what I would not undertake to
    eat with three good diners. They would rather burst, so to speak,
    than to leave anything. True, they can help each other; when one
    can eat no more, he begs his companions to assist him; or else he
    may pass the remains of his part along to the others, who each
    one take some of it, and after all this, if anything remain, it
    is thrown into the fire. The one who eats the most is the most
    admired. You will hear them describing the prowess of their jaws,
    naming the quantity and the parts of the beast which they have
    eaten. God knows what kind of music follows this banquet, for these
    Barbarians give full liberty to their stomachs and bellies, to
    utter whatever sounds they please, in order to relieve themselves.
    As to the odors that are then exhaled in their Cabins, they are
    stronger than the perfume of roses, but not so sweet. You see them
    pant [141] and blow, like people full up to their throats; and, in
    fact, as they are naked, I saw that they were swollen as high as
    their necks. Still, with it all, they have mettle there inside, for
    their stomachs retain what is given them. I have known only the
    Sorcerer's stomach to be dissatisfied with what it received; many
    others came very near it, but they held their own. Occasionally, I
    have seen some of them sick after these excesses.

Mais venons à l'ordre qu'ils gardent en ces banquets; Ceux qu'on doit
traitter estans conuiez à la façon que i'ay dit, ils s'en viennent auec
leur _ouragan_, ou escuelle leur cuillier, ils entrent dans la Cabane
sans ceremonie, chacun prenant sa place comme il vient, ils s'asseoient
en rond à l'entour de la chaudiere qui est sur le feu, renuersant leur
plat deuant eux, leurs sieges, c'est la terre couuerte de branches de
pin, il n'y a point de preseance, toutes les parties d'vn cercle sont
aussi courbées, & aussi nobles les vnes que les autres, quelquesfois
l'vn d'eux dira à celuy qui entre _Outaiappitou_, viens icy, sieds toy
là.

    But let us notice the order which they observe in these banquets.
    Those who are to be entertained having been invited in the way I
    have stated, they come each with his _ouragan_, or dish, and his
    spoon, and enter the Cabin without ceremony, each one taking his
    place as he comes. They seat themselves around the kettle which is
    over the fire, turning their plates upside down before them. Their
    chairs are the ground, covered with pine branches; and no order of
    precedence is observed. All the members of the circle are alike
    bent forward; and one is as noble as the other. Sometimes one will
    say to another who enters, _Outaiappitou_, "Come here, sit thou
    there."

Chacun ayant pris sa place & s'estant assis en forme de Guenon,
retirant ses [142] jambes contre ses cuisses, si c'est vn festin à
manger tout, on ne dit mot, on chante seulement, & s'il y a quelque
Sorcier ou _Manitousiou_, il bat son tambour; vray qu'ils ne sont pas
tousiours si religieux qu'ils ne tiennent quelque petit discours. Si le
festin n'est pas à ne rien laisser, ils s'entretiennent vn peu de temps
de leurs chasses, ou d'autres choses semblables, le plus souuent de
gausseries.

    Each one, having taken his place, sits in the posture of a
    monkey, drawing up his [142] legs against his thighs. If it is an
    eat-all feast, not a word is said, they only sing; and if there
    is a Sorcerer or _Manitousiou_ present, he beats his drum; true,
    they are not always so strict that they do not hold some little
    conversation. If it is not a leave-nothing feast, they have a
    little conversation about their hunting, or the like, but most
    frequently about their pranks.

Apres quelques discours, le distributeur du festin, qui est
ordinairement celuy qui le fait, descend la chaudiere de dessus le feu,
ou les chaudieres s'il y en a plusieurs, les mettãt deuant soy, & lors
il fait quelque harãgue ou semet à chãter, & tous les assistans auec
luy; quelquefois il ne faict ny l'vn ny l'autre, mais seulement il dit
les mots de l'entrée du festin qui ne s'obmettent iamais, c'est à dire
qu'il declare dequoy il est composé: par exemple il dira, hommes qui
estes icy assemblez, c'est vn tel qui faict le festin, ils respondent
tous du fond de l'estomac _hô-ô-ô_, le festin est composé de chair de
Castor, ils poussent de rechef leur aspiration _hô-ô-ô_, il y a aussi
de la farine [143] de bled d'Inde _hô-ô-ô_, respondent ils, à chaque
diuersité de mets.

    After some talk, the server of the feast, who is usually the one
    who gives it, takes down the kettle from the fire,--or the kettles,
    if there are several,--and, placing them before him, he makes a
    speech or begins a song, and all the others join in. Sometimes
    he does neither, but simply says the words at the opening of the
    feast, which are never omitted,--namely, he declares of what it is
    composed; for example, he will say, "Men who are assembled here,
    it is such and such a one who gives this feast." They all answer
    in deep chest tones, _hô-ô-ô_. "The feast is composed of the flesh
    of Beavers." They again utter this aspiration, _hô-ô-ô_. "There is
    also some [143] Cornmeal." _Hô-ô-ô_, they respond, to each of the
    different dishes.

Pour les festins moins solemnels, celuy qui le faict s'addressant à
quelqu'vn de ses amis, ou de ses parents, il luy dira, mon cousin, ou
mon oncle, voila le Castor que i'ay pris, nous le mangerons maintenant,
& alors tout le monde dit son _hô-ô-ô_, & voila le festin ouuert,
duquel on ne sort point, que les mots par lesquels on le conclud ne
soient dicts. Cela fait, le distributeur ramasse quelquefois la gresse
de dessus la chaudiere & la boit luy tout seul, d'autres fois il en
fait part à ses amis, quelquefois il en remplit vn grand & profond plat
qui se presente à tous les conuiez comme i'ay dit, & chacun en boit
sa part; si le festin est de pois, de farine, de bled d'Inde, ou de
choses semblables demy liquides, il prend les _Ouragans_, ou escuelles
d'vn chacun, & distribue la chaudiere, le plus esgalement qu'il luy
est possible, leurs rendant leurs plats bien garnis, sans regarder par
quel bout il commence; il n'y a ny honneur ny blasme d'estre party le
premier ou le dernier. Si le festin est de viande, il la tire auec vn
baston pointu, [144] la met dans des plats d'escorce deuant soy, puis
ayant ietté les yeux sur le nombre des conuiez, il la distribue comme
il luy plaist, donnant à chacun abondamment, non pas egalement. Car il
donnera les friants morceaux à ses confidents, voire mesme quand il a
donné à tous vne bonne piece, commençant par ceux qui ne sont pas de sa
Cabane, il rechargera iusques à deux & trois fois & non pas pour les
autres, personne ne s'offence de ce procedé, car c'est la coustume.

    As to their less solemn feasts, the one who gives them addresses
    each one of his friends, or relatives, and says to him, "My cousin,
    or my uncle, here is a Beaver that I have taken, we will now eat
    it;" and then every one utters his _hô-ô-ô_; and lo, the feast
    has begun, from which they do not emerge until the words with
    which they are to terminate it are uttered. When this is done,
    the distributor sometimes collects the grease from the kettle and
    drinks it all by himself; at other times, he shares it with his
    friends; then again, he fills a large, deep dish which is offered
    to all the guests, as I have said, and each one drinks his share.
    If the feast is of peas, flour, Cornmeal, or such half-liquid
    things, he takes the _Ouragans_, or dishes, of each one and divides
    what is in the kettle, as equally as he can, returning their plates
    to them well filled, without noticing at what end he began. There
    is neither honor nor disgrace in being served first or last. If the
    feast is of meat, he draws it out with a pointed stick, [144] puts
    it into some bark dishes before him; then, having cast his eyes
    over the number of guests, he distributes it as he pleases, giving
    to each one abundantly, but not equally. For he will give the
    dainty morsels to his intimate friends; and, even when he has given
    to each of them a good piece, beginning with those who are not of
    his Cabin, he will serve them again, even two or three times, and
    not the others. No one is offended at this proceeding, for it is
    the custom.

Il presente ordinairement la chair au bout d'vn baston, nommant la
piece ou la partie de l'animal qu'il donne, en cette façon; si c'est
la teste d'vn Castor, ou d'Asne sauuage, ou d'autre animal, il dira
_Nichta_ K_oustigouanime_; Mon cousin, voila ta teste, si c'est vn
espaule, il dira voila ton espaule, si ce sont des boyaux, il en dira
de mesme; d'autresfois ils disent simplemẽt, _Khimitchimi_, voila
ton mets: mais prenez garde qu'ils n'ont point l'equiuoque en leur
langue que nous auons en la nostre. On raconte d'vn certain, lequel
rencontrant son amy, luy dit par courtoisie, si i'auois quelque chose
digne de vous, ie vous inuiterois à des-jeusner en [145] nostre maison,
mais ie n'ay rien du tout, son valet l'entendant luy repartit à la
bõne foy, excusez-moy Monsieur, vous auez vne teste de veau, cela dit
en lãgage Montagnais n'a rien de ridicule, pource qu'ils n'õt point
d'equiuoque en ces termes, les mots qui signifient ma teste propre & la
teste d'animal qui m'est donnée estants differents.

    He usually offers the meat on the end of the stick, naming the
    piece or part of the animal which he is giving in this way; if it
    is the head of a Beaver or of a wild Ass, or some other animal, he
    will say, _Nichta Koustigouanime_, "My cousin, here is thy head;"
    if it is the shoulder, he will say, "Here is thy shoulder;" and if
    it is the intestines, he will name it in the same way; at other
    times they simply say, _Khimitchimi_, "Here is thy meat." But bear
    in mind that they have not the ambiguity in their language that we
    have in ours. They tell a story about a certain one, who, meeting
    his friend, said to him through courtesy, "If I had something
    worthy of you I would invite you to breakfast at [145] our house,
    but I have nothing at all." His servant hearing him, answered in
    good faith, "Excuse me, Sir, you have a calf's head." If this were
    said in the Montagnais language, there would be nothing ridiculous
    in it, for they have nothing ambiguous in such terms,--the words
    which mean "my own head" and "the head of an animal which is given
    me," being altogether different.

Celuy qui fait le festin & qui le distribue ne fait iamais sa part, il
se contente de voir manger les autres sans se rien retenir pour soy;
neantmoins quand il y a peu de viures, si tost qu'il a tiré la viande
de la chaudiere, son voisin ou son amy choisit les meilleurs morceaux
par courtoisie, & les met à part; puis quand tout est distribué, il les
presente au distributeur mesme, luy disant vn tel, voila ton mets, il
respond comme tous les autres, _hô-ô-ô_.

    The one who gives the feast and who serves it never takes part
    therein, but is satisfied in watching the others, without keeping
    anything for himself. However, when there is a scarcity of food,
    as soon as the meat is taken from the kettle, his neighbor or
    friend chooses the best pieces for politeness and puts them aside;
    then when all is distributed, he presents them to the distributor
    himself, saying to him, "Here is thy meat," and he answers like all
    the others, _hô-ô-ô_.

Ils ont quelques ceremonies, que ie n'entẽds pas bien faisant festin
d'vn Ours, celuy qui l'auoit tué, fit rostir ses entrailles sur des
branches de pin, prononçant quelques paroles que ie n'entendis pas, il
y a quelque grand mystere là dedans: de plus on luy dõna l'os du cœur
de l'animal, qu'il porte dans une petite bource matachiée, penduë à son
col; faisans festin d'Orignac, [146] celuy qui luy auoit donné le coup
mortel, & qui faisoit le festin, apres auoir distribué la chair, ietta
de la gresse dans le feu, disant: _papeoue_k_ou_, _papeoue_k_ou_, i'ay
desia expliqué ce que cela veut dire.

    They have some ceremonies which I do not well understand, when
    they have a Bear feast; the one who has killed it has the entrails
    roasted over some pine branches, pronouncing some words which I
    do not comprehend. There is some great mystery in this; also they
    give him the heart-bone of the animal, which he carries in a little
    embroidered purse hung around his neck. When they have a Moose
    feast, [146] the one who has given it its deathblow, and who gives
    the feast, after having distributed the flesh, throws some grease
    into the fire, saying, _papeouekou, papeouekou_, of which I have
    already explained the meaning.

Le festin distribué, si c'est à manger tout, chacun mange en silence,
quoy que quelqu'vns ne laissent pas de dire vn petit mot en passant:
aux autres festins, encore qu'il soit permis de parler ordinairement,
ils parlent fort peu, s'estonnans des François qui causent autant &
plus en table qu'en autre temps: aussi nous appellent-ils des Oyes
babillardes. Leurs bouches sont quasi grosses comme des œufs, & c'est
le plaisir qu'ils prennent à gouster & à sauourer ce qu'ils mangent,
qui leur ferme la bouche, & non l'honnesteté: Vous prendriez trop de
plaisir à leur voir assaillir dãs leurs grandes escuelles d'escorce, vn
Castor boüilly, ou rosty, notamment quand ils viennent de la chasse,
ou de leur voir étudier vn os: ie les ay veus tenir vn pied d'Orignac
à deux mains par vn bout la bouche, & les dents faisants leur deuoir
de l'autre: en sorte qu'ils me sembloient vouloir iouër de ces longues
flutes d'Allemagne, sinon qu'ils alloient vn peu trop fort, pour auoir
long temps bonne haleine: [147] quand ce qu'ils mangent leur agrée,
vous leur entendez dire de fois à autre, ainsi que i'ay desia remarqué,
_tapoué nimitison_, en verité ie mange, cõme si on en doutoit. Voila le
grand tesmoignage qu'ils rendent du plaisir qu'ils prennent à vostre
festin; au reste ayant succé, rongé, brisé les os qui leurs escheent
pour en tirer la gresse & la mouëlle, ils les rejettent dans la
chaudiere pleine de boüillõ qu'ils doiuent boire par apres, il est vray
qu'aux bãquets à tout manger, ils sont deliurez de cette inciuilité,
car il n'y a point d'os.

    The feast distributed, if it is an eat-all, each one eats in
    silence, although some do not fail to say a word or two from time
    to time. In the other feasts, although they are usually permitted
    to speak, they speak very little, and are astonished at the French
    who talk as much and more at the table than at any other time, so
    they call us cackling Geese. Their mouths are almost as large as
    eggs, and it is the delight they have in tasting and relishing what
    they eat that closes their mouths, and not politeness. You would
    take genuine pleasure in seeing them attack, in their great bark
    dishes, a boiled or roasted Beaver, especially when they have just
    come from the chase, or in seeing them tackle a bone. I have seen
    them hold the foot of a Moose in their two hands by one end, the
    mouth and the teeth doing duty at the other, so that they seem to
    me to be playing on those long German flutes, except that they go
    at it with a little too much force to hold their wind long. [147]
    When they are eating something that they are very fond of, you
    will hear them say from time to time, as I have already remarked,
    _tapoué nimitison_, "I am really eating," as if any one doubted
    it. This is the great proof that they offer of the pleasure they
    experience at your feast. Now having sucked, gnawed, and broken the
    bones which fall to them, to get out the grease and marrow, they
    throw them back into the kettle of broth which they are to drink
    afterward. It is true that at the eat-all banquets this unmannerly
    trick is not practiced, for there are no bones.

Ayans mangé les mets qu'on a presenté, on distribue le boüillon de
la chaudiere, dont chacun boit selon sa soif, si c'est vn banquet
de deuotion, c'est à dire, à ne rien laisser, quelquefois il faut
aussi boire tout le boüillon; d'autrefois il suffit qu'on mãge toute
la viande, estant libre de boire ce qu'on voudra du boüillon. Quand
le Maistre du festin void qu'on cesse de mãger, il dit les paroles
qui terminent le banquet, qui sont celles-cy, ou autres semblables,
_Egou_ K_hé_ _Khiouiecou_; or vous vous en irez, supplé, quand il vous
plairra: le festin conclud, quelques vns demeurent vn peu de temps pour
discourir, d'autres s'en vont aussi tost délogeans sans trompette;
c'est à [148] dire, qu'ils sortent sans dire mot, par fois ils disent,
_Ni_k_hiouan_, ie m'en vay, on leur respond _Niagouté_, allez à la
bonne-heure, voila le grand excez de leurs compliments.

    Having eaten the meats that have been offered, the broth is served
    from the kettle, each one drinking of this according to his thirst.
    If it is a banquet of devotion, that is to say, a leave-nothing
    feast, sometimes they are also obliged to drink all the broth. At
    other times, it is enough if they eat all the meat, being free to
    drink what they want of the broth. When the Master of the feast
    sees them stop eating, he pronounces the words which terminate the
    banquet, which are the following, or others like them: _Egou Khé
    Khiouiecou_, "Now you will go away; return this feast when you
    please." The feast concluded, some remain a little while to talk,
    and others leave immediately, going out without trumpets; that
    [148] is, they go out without saying a word; sometimes they say,
    _Nikhiouan_, "I am going;" the answer is, _Niagouté_, "Go then."
    See the profuseness of their compliments.




CHAPITRE IX.

DE LEUR CHASSE & DE LEUR PESCHERIE.


COMMENÇONS par l'Elan, quand il y a peu de neiges, ils le tuent a coups
de fleches, le premier que nous mangeasmes fut ainsi mis à mort, mais
c'est vn grand hazard quand ils peuuent approcher de ces animaux à la
portée de leurs arcs, car ils sentent les Sauuages de fort loing, &
courent aussi viste que les Cerfs. Quand les neiges sont profondes, ils
poursuiuent l'Elan à la course, & le tuent à coups d'espées, qu'ils
emmanchent à de longs bastons pour cét effect: ils dardent ces espées
quand ils n'osent ou ne peuuent aborder la beste, ils poursuiuent par
fois deux & trois iours vn de ces animaux, les neiges n'estant, ny
assez dures ny assez profondes d'autrefois vn enfant les tueroit quasi,
car la neige venant à se glacer apres quelque petit dégel, ou quelque
pluye, elle blesse ces pauures Orignaux, qui ne vont pas loing sans
estre massacrez.

    CHAPTER IX.

    ON THEIR HUNTING AND FISHING.

    LET us begin with the Elk. When there is very little snow, they
    kill it with arrows, the first that we ate being taken in this
    way. But it is a great stroke of luck when they can approach these
    animals within range of their bows, as they scent the Savages at
    a great distance, and run as fast as Deer. When the snow is deep,
    they pursue the Elk on foot, and kill it with thrusts from javelins
    which are fastened on long poles for this purpose, and which they
    hurl when they dare not or cannot approach the beast. Sometimes
    they chase one of these animals for two or three days, the snow
    being neither hard nor deep enough; while at other times a child
    could almost kill them, for, the snow being frozen after a slight
    thaw or rain, these poor Moose are hurt by it, and cannot go far
    without being slaughtered.

[149] On m'auoit dit que l'Elan estoit grand cõme vn mulet d'Auuergne,
il est vray qu'il a la teste longue cõme vn mulet, mais ie le trouue
aussi gros qu'vn bœuf, ie n'en ay veu qu'vn seul en vie, il estoit
ieune, à peine le bois ou les cornes luy sortoient de la teste, ie
n'ay point veu en France ny genisse, ny bouuillon, qui approchât de sa
grosseur, ny de sa hauteur; il est haut monté comme le Cerf, son bois
est haut branchu & plat en quelque façon, non rond comme celuy des
Cerfs, ie parle des bois que i'ay veu, peut-estre y en a-il d'autre
façõ. Quelqu'vn m'a dit que la femelle portoit tousiours deux petits, &
tousiours masle & femelle; mes Sauuages, au contraire, disent qu'elle
en porte tantost vn tantost deux, & qu'vne seule fois ils en ont trouué
trois dans vne femelle, ce qui les estonna comme vn prodige.

    [149] I had been told that the Elk was as large as an Auvergne
    mule. True, its head is as long as that of a mule, but I find it as
    large as an ox. I have only seen one of them alive; it was young,
    and the branches or horns were just emerging from its head; I never
    saw in France either a heifer or young bullock that was as big or
    as high as it was. It is tall and erect, like the Deer; its horns
    are lofty, branching, and somewhat flat, not round like those of a
    Deer; I speak of the horns that I have seen, but there may be other
    kinds. I have been told that the female always bears two little
    ones, always male and female. On the contrary, my Savages tell me
    that she sometimes bears one, and sometimes two; and that once they
    found three in a female, which astonished them as if it were a
    prodigy.

I'ay quelque pensée qu'on pourra auec le temps domestiquer ces animaux,
qu'on s'en pourra seruir pour le labourage, & pour tirer des tranées
sur la neige, ce seroit vn grand soulagement.

    I have sometimes thought that, in time, these animals might be
    domesticated, and could be used to till the soil and to draw
    sledges over the snow, which would be a great comfort.

Quand les Sauuages ont tué plusieurs Elans, & passé plusieurs iours
en festins, ils pensent à leur prouision & à leur seicherie, ils vous
étendrons sur des perches les deux costez d'vn grand Orignac, en ayant
osté [150] les os: si la chair est trop épaisse, ils la leuẽt par
laichent, & en outre la tailladent; afin que la fumée la desseiche &
la penetre par tout, lors qu'elle commence à ce seicher ou boucaner,
ils la battent auec des pierres, la soulent aux pieds, afin qu'il n'y
demeure dedans aucun suc qui la puisse corrompre, enfin estant bien
boucané, ils la plient & la mettent en paquets, voila leur prouision,
le boucan est vn pauure manger, la chair fraische de l'Elã est fort
aisée à digerer, elle ne dure point dãs l'estomac; voila pourquoy les
Sauuages ne la font point tant cuire: Pour le goust, il me semble que
la chair d'vn bœuf ne cede point à la chair d'vn bon Elan.

    When the Savages have killed a number of Elks, and passed several
    days in feasting, they begin to think about drying them and laying
    them away. They will stretch upon poles the two sides of a large
    Moose, the bones thereof having [150] been removed. If the flesh is
    too thick, they raise it in strips and slash it besides, so that
    the smoke may penetrate and dry all parts. When they begin to dry
    or smoke this meat, they pound it with stones and tramp it under
    foot so that no juice may remain to spoil it. At last, when it is
    smoked, they fold and arrange it in packages, and this forms their
    future store. Dried meat is poor food, but the fresh meat of the
    Elk is very easy to digest. It does not remain long in the stomach,
    therefore the Savages do not cook it much. In regard to taste, it
    seems to me that beef is not inferior to good Elk meat.

Le Castor ou le Bieure se prend en plusieurs façõs. Les Sauuages disent
que c'est l'animal bien aymé des François, des Anglois, & des Basques,
en vn mot des Europeans; i'entendois vn iour mon hoste qui disoit en
se gaussant, _Missi picoutau amiscou_, le Castor fait toutes choses
parfaictement bien, il nous faict des chaudieres, des haches, des
espées, des couteaux, du pain, bref il fait tout; il se mocquoit de
nos Europeans qui se passionnent pour la peau de cest animal, & qui
se battent à qui dõnera le plus à ces Barbares, pour en auoir: [151]
iusques là que mon hoste me dit vn iour me monstrant vn fort beau
couteau, les Anglois n'ont point d'esprit, ils nous donnent vingts
couteaux comme celuy là pour vne peau de Castor.

    The Castor or Beaver is taken in several ways. The Savages say
    that it is the animal well-beloved by the French, English and
    Basques,--in a word, by the Europeans. I heard my host say one day,
    jokingly, _Missi picoutau amiscou_, "The Beaver does everything
    perfectly well, it makes kettles, hatchets, swords, knives, bread;
    and, in short, it makes everything." He was making sport of us
    Europeans, who have such a fondness for the skin of this animal
    and who fight to see who will give the most to these Barbarians, to
    get it; [151] they carry this to such an extent that my host said
    to me one day, showing me a very beautiful knife, "The English have
    no sense; they give us twenty knives like this for one Beaver skin."

Au Printemps, le Castor se prend à l'attrappe amorcée du bois dont il
mange: les Sauuages sont tres-bien entendus en ces attrapes, lesquelles
venant à se detendre, vne grosse piece de bois tombe sur l'animal &
l'assomme, quelquefois les chiens rencontrant le Castor hors la Cabane,
le poursuiuent & le prennent aisement; ie n'ay point veu cette chasse,
mais on m'en a parlé, & les Sauuages font grand estat d'vn chiẽ qui sẽt
& découure cét animal.

    In the Spring, the Beaver is taken in a trap baited with the wood
    it eats. The Savages understand perfectly how to handle these
    traps, which are made to open, when a heavy piece of wood falls
    upon the animal and kills it. Sometimes when the dogs encounter the
    Beaver outside its House, they pursue and take it easily; I have
    never seen this chase, but have been told of it; and the Savages
    highly value a dog which scents and runs down this animal.

Pendant l'Hiuer ils le prennent à la rets & soubs la glace, voicy
comment; on fend la glace en long, proche de la Cabane du Castor, on
met par la fente vn rets & du bois qui sert d'amorce, ce pauure animal
venant chercher à manger s'enlace dans ces filets faicts de bonne &
forte ficelle double, & encore ne faut il pas tarder à les tirer, car
ils seroiẽt bien tost en pieces, estãt sorty de l'eau par l'ouuerture
faite en la glace, ils l'assõment auec vn gros bastõ.

    During the Winter they capture them in nets and under the ice, in
    this way: They make a slit in the ice near the Beaver's House, and
    put into the hole a net, and some wood which serves as bait. This
    poor animal, searching for something to eat, gets caught in a net
    made of good, strong, double cord; and, emerging from the water to
    the opening made in the ice, they kill it with a big club.

L'autre façon de le prendre sous la glace est plus noble, tous les
Sauuages n'en ont [152] pas l'vsage, mais seulement les plus habiles;
ils brisent à coups de haches la Cabane ou maison du Castor, qui est
en effect admirable, il n'y a mousquet qui la transperce à mon aduis,
pendant l'Hiuer elle est bastie sur le bord de quelque petit fleuue,
ou d'vn estang faicte à double estage, sa figure est ronde, les
materiaux dont elle est composée sont du bois & de la terre, si bien
liez & vnis par ensemble, que i'ay veu nos Sauuages en plein Hiuer suer
pour y faire ouuerture à coups de haches, l'estage d'embas est dãs ou
sur le bord de l'eau, celuy d'enhaut est au dessus du fleuue, quand le
froid a glacé les fleuues & les estãgs, le Castor se tient retiré en
l'estage d'ẽhaut, où il a fait sa prouision de bois pour manger pendant
l'Hiuer; il ne laisse pas neantmoins de descendre de cest estage en
celuy d'embas, & de celuy d'embas il se glisse sous les glaces, par des
trous qui sont en ce bas estage, & qui respondent sous les glaces: il
sort pour boire & pour chercher du bois qu'il mange, lequel croist sur
la riue des estangs, & dans les estangs mesme; ce bois par embas est
pris dans les glaces, le Castor le va couper par dessous, & le porte
en sa maison. Or les Sauuages ayans brisé cette maison, ces pauures
animaux, qui sont par fois en grand nombre [153] sous vn mesme toict,
s'en vont sous les glaces, qui d'vn costé, qui d'vn autre, cherchans
des lieux vuides & creux entre l'eau & la glace, pour pouuoir respirer:
ce que sçachans leurs ennemis, ils se vont pourmenans sur l'estang ou
sur le fleuue glacé, portans vn long baston en main, armé d'vn costé
d'vne tranche de fer, faite comme vn ciseau de Menuisier, & de l'autre
d'vn os de Baleine, comme ie croy; ils sondent la glace auec cest os,
frappans dessus & prenans garde si elle sonne creux, & si elle donne
quelque indice de sa concauité, alors ils couppent la glace auec la
tranche de fer, regardãs si l'eau n'est point agitée par le mouuement
ou par la respiration du Castor: si l'eau remuë, ils ont vn bastõ
recourbé qu'ils fourrent dans le trou qu'ils viennent de faire, s'ils
sentent le Castor, ils le tuẽt auec leur grand baston, qu'ils appellent
_ca oui_k_achit_, & le tirans de l'eau, en vont faire curée tout aussi
tost, si ce n'est qu'ils ayent grande esperance d'en prendre d'autres:
Ie leur demandois pourquoy le Castor attendoit là qu'on le tuast, où
ira il, me disoiẽt ils, sa maison est rompuë, les autres endroits où il
peut respirer entre l'eau & la glace sont cassez, il demeure là dans
l'eau, cherchant de l'air, cependant on l'assomme, il sort quelquefois
[154] par la Cabane, ou par quelque trou, mais les chiens qui sont là,
& qui le sentent, & l'attendent, l'ont bien tost attrapé.

    The other way of taking them under the ice is more noble. Not
    all the Savages use [152] this method, only the most skillful;
    they break with blows from the hatchet the Cabin or house of the
    Beaver, which is indeed wonderfully made. In my opinion no musket
    ball can pierce it. During the Winter it is built upon the shore
    of some little river or pond, is two stories high, and round. The
    materials of which it is composed are wood and mud, so well joined
    and bound together that I have seen our Savages in Midwinter
    sweat in trying to make an opening into it with their hatchets.
    The lower story is in or upon the edge of the water, the upper is
    above the river. When the cold has frozen the rivers and ponds, the
    Beaver secludes himself in the upper story, where he has provided
    himself with wood to eat during the Winter. He sometimes, however,
    descends from this story to the lower one, and thence he glides out
    under the ice, through the holes which are in this lower story and
    which open under the ice. He goes out to drink and to search for
    the wood that he eats, which grows upon the banks of the pond and
    in the pond itself. This wood at the bottom is fastened in the ice
    and the Beaver goes below to cut it and carry it to his house. Now
    the Savages having broken this house, these poor animals, which are
    sometimes in great numbers [153] under one roof, disappear under
    the ice, some on one side, some on the other, seeking hollow and
    thin places between the water and ice, where they can breathe.
    Their enemies, knowing this, go walking over the pond or frozen
    river, carrying a long club in their hands, armed on one side with
    an iron blade made like a Carpenter's chisel, and on the other
    with a Whale's bone, I believe. They sound the ice with this bone,
    striking upon it and examining it to see if it is hollow; and if
    there is any indication of this, then they cut the ice with their
    iron blade, looking to see if the water is stirred up by the
    movement or breathing of the Beaver. If the water moves, they have
    a curved stick which they thrust into the hole that they have just
    made; if they feel the Beaver, they kill it with their big club,
    which they call _ca ouikachit_; and, drawing it out of the water,
    go and make a feast of it at once, unless they have great hopes
    of taking others. I asked them why the Beaver waited there until
    it was killed. "Where will it go?" they said to me; "its house
    is broken to pieces and the other places where it could breathe
    between the water and ice are broken; it remains there in the
    water, seeking air, and meanwhile it is killed." Sometimes [154] it
    goes out through its House, or some hole; but the dogs which are
    there, scenting and waiting for it, have soon caught it.

Lors qu'il y a quelque fleuue voisin, ou quelque bras d'eau conjoinct
à l'estang où ils sont, ils se coulẽt la dedans; mais les Sauuages
barrent ces fleuues quand ils les découurent, ils cassent la glace &
fichent quantité de pieux les vns pres des autres, en sorte que le
Castor ne peut euader par là. I'ay veu de grands lacs qui sauuoient la
vie aux Castors, car nos gens ne pouuans casser tous les endroicts où
ils pouuoient respirer, aussi ne pouuoient ils attraper leur proye; Il
y a quelquefois deux menages de Castors dans vne mesme Cabane, c'est à
dire deux masles & deux femelles auec leurs petits.

    When there is a river near by, or an arm of water connecting with
    the pond where they are, they slip into that; but the Savages dam
    up these rivers when they discover them, breaking the ice and
    planting a number of stakes near each other, so that the Beaver may
    not escape in that direction. I have seen large lakes which saved
    the lives of the Beavers; for our people, not being able to break
    all the places where they could breathe, therefore could not trap
    their prey. Sometimes there are two families of Beavers in the same
    House, that is, two males and two females, with their little ones.

La femelle en porte iusques à sept, quatre, cinq, six pour l'ordinaire,
ils ont quatre dents, deux embas & deux en haut merueilleusemẽt
aterées, les autres deux sont petites, mais celles-cy sont grandes &
tranchantes, ils s'en seruent pour couper les bois de leur prouision, &
les bois dont ils batissent leur demeure, ils aiguisent ces dents quand
elles sont emoucées, les frottans & pressants les vnes contre [155]
les autres, faisans vn petit bruit que i'ay oüy moy-mesme.

    The female bears as many as seven, but usually four, five, or
    six. They have four teeth, two below, and two above, which are
    wonderfully drawn out; the other two are small, but these are large
    and sharp. They are used to cut the wood for their food, and the
    wood with which they build their house; they sharpen these teeth
    when they are dull, by rubbing and pressing them against [155] each
    other, making a little noise which I have myself heard.

Le Castor a le poil fort doux, les chapeaux qu'on en fait en sont
tesmoins, il a des pieds forts courts & fort propres pour nager, car
ils ont vne peau continue entre les ongles, à la façon des oyseaux
de riuiere, ou des loups marins, sa queuë est toute platte, assez
longuette faicte en ouale; i'en mesuray vne d'vn gros Castor, elle
auoit vne paulme & huict doigts ou enuiron de longeur, & quasi vne
paulme de la main en largeur, elle estoit assez épaisse, elle est
couuerte, non de poil, mais d'vne peau noire figurée en écailles: ce ne
sont pas pourtant de vrayes écailles: on prend icy le Castor pour vn
animal amphiuie, voila pourquoy on en mange en tout temps: ma pensée
est que sa gresse fonduë approche plus de l'huille que de la gresse,
la chair en est fort bonne, elle m'a semblé vn peu fade au Printemps,
& non pas en Hiuer; Au reste si sa peau surpasse la peau du mouton,
la chair de mouton surpasse à mon aduis celle de Castor; tant pource
qu'elle est de meilleur goust, comme aussi que le Moutõ est plus gros
qu'vn Castor.

    The Beaver has very soft fur, the hats made of it being an evidence
    of this. It has very short feet which are well adapted to swimming,
    for the nails are united by skin, in the same way as those of
    river-birds or seals; its tail is entirely flat, quite long and
    oval-shaped. I measured one of a large Beaver; it was a palm and
    eight fingers or thereabout in length, and almost one palm of the
    hand in width. It was quite thick, and was covered, not with hair,
    but with a black skin looking like scales; however, these are not
    real scales. The Beaver here is regarded as an amphibious animal,
    and therefore it is eaten in all seasons. My idea is that the
    grease when melted is more like oil than grease; the flesh is very
    good, but it seems to me a little stale in the Spring, and not so
    in Winter. But if the pelt of the Beaver excels the pelt of the
    sheep, the flesh of the sheep is superior, in my opinion, to that
    of the Beaver,--not only because it tastes better, but also because
    the Sheep is larger than the Beaver.

Le Porc épic se prend à l'attrape & à la course, le chien l'ayant
découuert, il est [156] mort s'il n'est bien prés de son giste, qu'il
faict sous de grandes roches, sous lesquelles s'estant retiré, il est
en lieu d'asseurance; car ny les hõmes, ny les chiens, ne se sçauroient
glisser là dessous, il ne peut courre sur la neige, voila pourquoy il
est bien tost assommé, & n'est guere plus gros qu'vn gros cochon de
laict, ses pointes ou piquerons sont blãcs, longuets & assez minces,
entrelassez & entremeslez d'vn poil noir ou grisate: I'ay veu en France
des armes où il y auoit des pointes de Porcs épics trois fois plus
longues & dix fois plus grosses & biẽ plus fermes que celles des Porcs
épics de ce païs cy: les Sauuages m'ont dit que vers le fleuue de
Saguenay, tirãt vers le Nord, ces animaux y estoient bien plus gros.
Ils les brulent comme nous faisons les pourceaux en France, puis les
ayant raclez, les font boüillir ou rostir, le manger en est bon, assez
dur neantmoins, notamment des vieux, car les ieunes sont tendres &
delicats; mais ils n'approchent point, ny de nos Porcs Sangliers, ny de
nos Porcs domestiques.

    The Porcupine is taken in a trap, or by coursing. The dog having
    discovered it, it is sure to be [156] killed if it is not very
    near its abode, which it makes under large rocks; having reached
    this, it is in a place of safety, for neither men nor dogs can
    crawl into it. It cannot run upon the snow, and is therefore
    very soon put to death. It is hardly larger than a good-sized
    sucking-pig. Its points or quills are white, long, and rather thin,
    interlaced and mixed with black or grayish hair. In France I have
    seen specimens of the Porcupine with quills three times longer and
    ten times thicker, and much stiffer than those of the Porcupines
    of this country. The Savages have told me that near the Saguenay
    river, toward the North, these animals are much larger. They singe
    them as we do pigs in France; and, after they are scraped, they
    are boiled or roasted, and are quite edible, although rather
    tough, especially the old ones, but the young ones are tender and
    delicate. But in taste they are not equal to either our Wild Boar
    or our common Pig.

Cest animal a les pieds tortus, & les iette en dehors, ses piquerons
ont cette qualité, s'ils piquẽt vn chien ou quelque persõne, ils
entrent incessamment, s'insinuans ou glissans petit à petit, & s'en
allans ressortir par [157] la partie opposée à leur entrée; par exemple
s'attachans au dos de la main, ils la transperceront & sortiront par
le dedans. I'ay souuent veu les chiens tous herissez de ses pointes
entrées desia à demy quand leurs Maistres les retiroient. Voulant
considerer le premier qu'on apporta en la Cabane où ie demeurois auec
les Sauuages, ie l'empoignay par la queuë, & le tiray vers moy, tous
ceux qui me regardoient se mirent à rire, voyans cõme ie procedois; &
de faict quoy que i'eusse tasché de le prendre dextremẽt, si est-ce que
quantité de ces petites lances s'attacherent à mes mains, car il n'y a
aiguille si pointuë, ie les retiray aussi tost, & les iettay dans le
feu.

    This animal has crooked feet, which it turns outward. Its quills
    have this peculiarity: if they stick into a dog or person they
    keep on penetrating, insinuating themselves or slipping in, little
    by little, and coming out [157] opposite where they entered. For
    example, if they stick into the back of the hand they will go
    through it, and come out on the inside. I have often seen dogs
    bristling with these quills, already thrust half-way into them when
    their Masters draw them out. Wishing to examine the first one that
    was brought into the Cabin where I was staying with the Savages,
    I caught it by the tail and drew it toward me. All those who were
    looking on began to laugh at the way I went at it; and, in fact,
    although I had tried to take hold of it adroitly, nevertheless a
    number of these little spears stuck into my hand, for there is no
    needle so sharp. I immediately drew them out, and threw them into
    the fire.

L'Ours au Printemps se prend à l'attrape, l'Hiuer ils le trouuẽt dans
des arbres creux où il se retire, passans plusieurs mois sans manger,
& cependant il ne laisse pas d'estre fort gras, ils couppent l'arbre
pour faire sortir la proye qu'ils assomment sur la neige, où bien à la
sortie de son giste.

    Bears are taken in a trap, in the Spring. In the Winter they are
    found in hollow trees, to which they withdraw, passing several
    months without eating, and yet they continue to be very fat. They
    fell a tree, to make their prey emerge, which they kill upon the
    snow, or as it is coming from its abode.

Ils prennent les Lieures au lacet, ou les tuent auec leurs arcs ou
matras; i'ay desia remarqué autrefois que ces animaux sont blancs
pendant les neiges, & gris en autre temps, ie les trouue vn peu plus
hauts & plus pattus que ceux de France. Ils tuent les [158] Marthes &
les Escurieux en mesme façon; voila les chasses d'animaux terrestres
que i'ay veu.

    Hares are caught in nets, or are killed with arrows or darts. I
    have already stated elsewhere that these animals are white during
    the snow, and gray at other times. They seem to me to be a little
    higher and more rough-footed than those of France. They kill [158]
    Martens and Squirrels in the same way. These are the methods of
    hunting terrestrial animals, so far as I have seen them.

Pour les oiseaux, ils en tuent quelques vns auec leurs arcs, se
seruans de fleches & de Matras, mais c'est fort raremẽt: depuis qu'ils
ont traitté des armes à feu auec les Anglois, ils sont deuenus demy
Gibboyeurs, quelques vns d'entr'eux tirent assez bien; mon hoste est
l'vn de leurs meilleurs harquebusiers, ie luy ay veu tuer quelques
Outardeaux, quelques Canards & Becassines, mais leur poudre est bien
tost vsée.

    As to the birds, some are killed with bows, arrows and Darts being
    used; but this is done rarely. Since they have come into possession
    of firearms, through their traffic with the English, they have
    become fair Huntsmen, some of them shooting very well. My host is
    one of their best musketeers; I have seen him kill Bustards, Ducks
    and Snipes; but their powder is very soon exhausted.

Quand à leur pesche, ils se seruent de rets, cõme nous qu'ils traittent
des François, & des Hurons: ils ont vne façon particuliere de pescher
le Saulmon, mais ne m'y estant pas trouué, ie n'en diray rien.

    As to their fishing, they use nets as we do, which they get in
    trade from the French and Hurons. They have a special way of
    fishing for Salmon; but, not having seen it, I will not speak of it.

Pour l'Anguille, ils la peschent en deux façons auec vne nasse, où
auec vn harpon. Ils font des nasses auec assez d'industrie, longues
& grosses, capable de tenir cinq & six cens anguilles: la mer estant
basse, ils les placent sur le sable, en quelque lieu propre & reculé,
les asseurans en sorte que les marées ne les emportent point: aux deux
costez ils ramassent des pierres qu'ils étendent comme vne chaisne
ou [159] petite muraille de part & d'autre, afin que ce poisson qui
va tousiours au fond rencontrãt cest obstacle, se glisse doucement
vers l'emboucheure de la nasse où le conduisent ces pierres; la mer
venant à se grossir, couure la nasse, puis se rabaissant, on la va
visiter: par fois on y trouue cẽt ou deux cẽts Anguilles d'vne marée,
d'autrefois trois cẽt, quelquefois point du tout, quelquefois, six,
huict, dix, selon les vents & les temps: Quand la mer est agitée, on en
prend beaucoup, quand elle est calme, peu ou point, mais alors ils ont
recours à leur harpon.

    In regard to Eels, they fish for them in two ways, with a weir and
    with a harpoon. They make the weirs very ingeniously, long and
    broad, capable of holding five or six hundred eels. When the water
    is low, they place these upon the sand in a suitable and retired
    spot, securing them so that they are not carried away by the tides.
    At the two sides they collect stones, which they extend out like a
    chain or [159] little wall on both sides; so that this fish, which
    always swims toward the bottom, encountering this obstacle, will
    readily swim toward the mouth of the net, to which these stones
    guide it. When the sea rises, it covers the net; then, when it
    falls, they go and examine it. Sometimes they find there one or two
    hundred Eels in a single tide, at other times three hundred, often
    none at all; at other times six, eight, ten, according to the winds
    and the weather. When the sea is rough, many of them are taken;
    when it is calm, few or none, and then they have recourse to their
    harpoon.

Ce harpon est vn instrument, composé d'vn long baston, gros de trois
doigts, au bout duquel ils attachent vn fer pointu, lequel ils armẽt de
part & d'autre de deux petits bastons recourbés, qui se viennent quasi
ioindre au bout de la pointe du fer: quand ils viennent à frapper vne
anguille de ce harpon, ils l'embrochent dans ce fer les deux baston
adjoincts, cedans par la force du coup, & laissãs entrer l'anguille;
puis se reserrans d'eux mesme, car ils ne s'ouurent que par la secousse
du coup, ils empeschent que l'anguille embrochée ne ressorte.

    This harpoon is an instrument composed of a long pole, two or three
    fingers thick, at the end of which they fasten a piece of pointed
    iron, which is provided on both sides with two little curved
    sticks, which almost come together at the end of the iron point.
    When they strike an eel with this harpoon, they impale it upon the
    iron, the two pieces of stick yielding by the force of the blow and
    allowing the eel to enter; then closing of themselves, because they
    only open through the force of the blow, they prevent the impaled
    eel from getting away.

Cette pesche au harpon, ne se fait ordinairement [160] que la nuict,
ils se mettẽt deux Sauuages dans vn canot, l'vn derriere qui le
gouuerne & qui rame, & l'autre est deuant, lequel à la faueur d'vn
flambeau d'écorce, attaché à la prouë de son vaisseaux, s'en va
cherchant la proye de ses yeux, rodans doucement sur le bord de ce grãd
fleuue, apperceuãt vne Anguille, il lance son harpon sans le quitter,
la perce comme i'ay dit, puis la iette dans son canot; il y en a tel
qui en prendra trois cens en vne nuict, & bien dauantage, quelquefois
fort peu. C'est chose estrange de la quantité de ce poisson qui se
retrouue en cette grãde riuiere, és mois de Septembre & d'Octobre, &
cela deuant l'habitation de nos François, dont quelques vns de ceux qui
ont demeuré plusieurs années sur le pays, se sont rendus aussi experts
en cét art que les Sauuages.

    This harpoon fishing is usually done [160] only at night. Two
    Savages enter a canoe,--one at the stern, who handles the oars, and
    the other at the bow, who, by the light of a bark torch fastened
    to the prow of his boat, looks around searchingly for the prey,
    floating gently along the shores of this great river. When he sees
    an Eel, he thrusts his harpoon down, without loosening his hold of
    it, pierces it in the manner I have described, then throws it into
    his canoe. There are certain ones who will take three hundred in
    one night, and even more, sometimes very few. It is wonderful how
    many of these fish are found in this great river, in the months
    of September and October; and this immediately in front of the
    settlement of our French, some of whom, having lived several years
    in this country, have become as expert as the Savages in this art.

On croit que cette grande abondance, prouient de quelques lacs des pays
plus hauts, qui venans à se dégorger nous font present de cette manne,
qui nous nourrit, non seulement tout le Caresme & autres iours de
poissons, mais aussi en autre tẽps.

    It is thought that this great abundance is supplied by some lakes
    in the country farther north, which, discharging their waters here,
    make us a present of this manna that nourishes us, not only during
    all the time of Lent and other fish days, but also at other seasons.

Les Sauuages font secherie de ces lõgs poissons à la fumée; estans
apportez dans leurs Cabanes, ils les laissent vn peu de [161] temps
égouster, puis leur couppent la teste & la queuë, ils les ouurent par
le dos, puis les ayans vuidées ils les tailladent, afin que la fumée
entre par tout: les perches de leurs Cabanes en sont toutes chargées,
estans bien boucanées, ils les accouplent & en font de gros paquets, en
mettans enuiron vne centaine ensemble; voila leurs viures iusques à la
neige qui leur donne de l'Orignac.

    The Savages dry these long fish in smoke. After they are brought
    into their Cabins, they let them drain a [161] little while; then,
    cutting off their heads and tails, they open them up the back, and
    after they are cleaned, they are cut with slits, so that the smoke
    may thoroughly penetrate them. The poles of their Cabins are all
    loaded with these eels. After being well smoked, they are piled
    together in large packages, about a hundred being placed in each.
    Here you have their food up to the season of snow, which brings
    them the Moose.

Ils tuent le Loup marin à coups de baston, le surprenant lors que
sortant de l'eauë, il se va éguayer sur quelques roches au Soleil, car
ne pouuant courir, s'il est tant soit peu esloigné de son element il
est perdu.

    They kill the Seal with blows from a club, surprising it when it
    comes out of the water. It goes to Sun itself upon the rocks, and
    not being able to run, if it is ever so little distant from its
    element it is lost.

C'est assez pour ce chapitre, ie ne fais pas profession de tout dire,
mais seulement de remarquer vne partie des choses qui m'ont semblé
deuoir estre escrites, qui voudra auoir vne pleine cognoissance de ces
contrées, qu'il lise ce qu'en a escrit Monsieur de Champlain, si faut
il auant que ie passe outre; que ie dise deux mots de quatre animaux,
que ie n'ay point veu en France, ie ne sçay où les loger, sinõ au bout
de ce chapitre.

    This is enough for this chapter. I do not pretend to tell
    everything, but only to jot down some of the things which seem to
    me worthy of record. Whoever wishes to gain a full knowledge of
    these countries should read what Monsieur de Champlain has written
    about them. But, before I pass on, I must say a few words about
    four animals that I have never seen in France. I do not know where
    to place them, except at the end of this chapter.

L'vn se nomme des Sauuages _Ouinascou_, [162] nos François l'appellẽt
le siffleur ou le Rossignol, ils luy ont donné ce nom, pource qu'encore
qu'il soit de la chasse des animaux terrestres, il chante neantmoins
cõme vn oiseau, ie dirois volontiers qu'il siffle comme vne Linotte
bien instruite, sinon qu'il m'est aduis qu'il ne sçait qu'vne chanson,
c'est à dire qu'il n'a pas vne grande varieté de tons, mais il dit
tres-bien la leçon que la nature luy a apprise. Il est enuiron de la
grosseur d'vn Lieure, d'vn poil roux; quelques vns m'ont asseuré qu'il
se roule en peloton, & que comme vn Liron il dort tout l'Hiuer, sans
qu'on le puisse réueiller, ie n'en ay point veu que l'Esté, cest animal
est vn excellent manger, ny le Lieure n'en approche pas.

    One of them is called by the Savages _Ouinascou_; [162] our French
    call it the whistler or Nightingale.[22] They have given it this
    name, because although it belongs to terrestrial animals, yet it
    sings like a bird; I might say that it whistles like a well taught
    Linnet, were it not that I think it only knows one song; that is to
    say, it has not a great variety of tones, but it says very well the
    lesson that nature has taught it. It is about the size of a Hare
    and has a reddish skin. Some have assured me that it rolls itself
    into a ball, and, like the Dormouse, it sleeps all Winter, it
    being impossible to awaken it. I have only seen this animal in the
    Summer; it is excellent eating, and excels the Hare.

L'autre est vn animal basset, de la grandeur des petits chiens, ou
d'vn chat, ie luy donne place icy, non pour son excellence, mais pour
en faire vn symbole du peché; i'en ay veu trois ou quatre, il est d'vn
poil noir assez beau & luisant, il porte sur son dos deux rayes toutes
blãches, qui se ioignãs vers le col & proche de la queuë, font vne
ouale qui luy dõne tres-belle grace; la queuë est touffuë & [163] bien
fournie de poil, cõmme la queuë d'vn Regnard, il la porte retroussée,
cõme vn Escurieux, elle est plus blanche que noire, vous diriez à l'œil
notãment quant il marche, qu'il meriteroit estre nommé le petit chien
de Iupiter; mais il est si puant, & iette vne odeur si empestée, qu'il
est indigne d'estre appellé le chien de Pluton, il n'y a voirie si
infecte; ie ne l'aurois pas creu si ie ne l'auois senty moy mesme, le
cœur vous manque quasi quand vous en approchez, on en a tué deux dans
nostre court; plusieurs iours apres il sẽtoit si mal par tout nostre
maison, qu'on n'en pouuoit supporter l'odeur. Ie croy que le peché que
sentit saincte Catherine de Sienne, deuoit estre de mesme puanteur.

    The other is a low animal, about the size of a little dog or cat.
    I mention it here, not on account of its excellence, but to make
    of it a symbol of sin. I have seen three or four of them. It has
    black fur, quite beautiful and shining; and has upon its back two
    perfectly white stripes, which join near the neck and tail, making
    an oval which adds greatly to their grace. The tail is bushy and
    [163] well furnished with hair, like the tail of a Fox; it carries
    it curled back like that of a Squirrel. It is more white than
    black; and, at the first glance, you would say, especially when
    it walks, that it ought to be called Jupiter's little dog. But it
    is so stinking, and casts so foul an odor, that it is unworthy of
    being called the dog of Pluto. No sewer ever smelled so bad. I
    would not have believed it if I had not smelled it myself. Your
    heart almost fails you when you approach the animal; two have been
    killed in our court, and several days afterward there was such a
    dreadful odor throughout our house that we could not endure it. I
    believe the sin smelled by sainte Catherine de Sienne must have had
    the same vile odor.

Le troisiéme est vn Escurieux volant, il y en a icy de trois especes.
Les vns sont communs, & sont non si beaux que ceux de France, les
autres que nos François nomment Suisses, pour estre bigarrez sur le
dos, sont tres-beaux & fort petits; les Escurieux volans sont assez
beaux, leur excellence consiste en ce qu'ils volent; ce n'est pas
qu'ils ayent des aisles, mais ils ont vne certaine peau aux [164] deux
costez, qu'ils replient fort proprement contre leur ventre quand ils
marchent, puis l'estendent quand ils volent. Leur vol n'est pas à mon
aduis de longue haleine, i'en ay veu voler vn, il se soustenoit fort
bien en l'air, mon hoste me l'auoit donné; ie le voulois enuoyer à V.R.
mais la mort, la deliuré d'vn si lõg voïage.

    The third is a flying Squirrel. There are three kinds of squirrels
    here. The first are the common squirrels, which are not so
    beautiful as those in France. The others, which our French call
    Swiss, because they are spotted upon the back, are very beautiful
    and quite small. The flying Squirrels are rather pretty, but their
    chief merit lies in their flying. Not that they have wings, but
    they have a certain piece of skin on [164] both sides, which they
    fold up very neatly against their stomachs when they walk, and
    spread out when they fly. I do not think they take long flights; I
    saw one of them flying, and it sustained itself very well in the
    air. My host gave me one; I would send it to Your Reverence, but
    death has freed it from so long a voyage.

Le quatriéme se nomme de nos François l'oiseau mouche, pource qu'a
peine est il plus gros qu'vne abeille, d'autres l'appellent l'oiseau
fleur, pource qu'il se nourrit sur les fleurs, c'est à mon iugement
l'vne des grãdes raretez de ce païs cy, & vn petit prodige de la
nature, Dieu me semble plus admirable en ce petit oiseau qu'en vn grand
animal, il bruit en volans comme vne abeille; ie l'ay veu quelquefois
se soustenir en l'air, becquetant vne fleur, son bec est longuet, son
plumage me sembloit d'vn verd paré; ceux qui l'appellent l'oiseau fleur
diroient mieux en mon iugement, le nommant la fleur des oiseaux.

    The fourth is called by our French the fly-bird, because it is
    scarcely larger than a bee; others call it the flower-bird, because
    it lives upon flowers. It is in my opinion one of the great
    rarities of this country, and a little prodigy of nature. God seems
    to me more wonderful in this little bird than in a large animal. It
    hums in flying, like the bee; I have sometimes seen it hold itself
    in the air and stick its bill into a flower. Its bill is rather
    long, and its plumage seems to be a mottled green. Those who call
    it the flower-bird would, in my opinion, speak more correctly if
    they would call it the flower of birds.




BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL. VI


XXI

See Volume V. for particulars of this document.


XXII

The incomplete letter from Paul le Jeune to his provincial, dated at
Quebec, 1634 (without month or day), we obtain from Carayon's _Première
Mission_, pp. 122-156. The original, written in French, is in the
archives of the Gèsu, at Rome, where in 1858 it was copied for Carayon,
by Father Martin; this apograph now rests in the archives of St. Mary's
College, Montreal.


XXIII

In reprinting the text of Le Jeune's _Relation_ of 1634 (closed at
Quebec, August 7), we follow the example of the first edition (Paris,
1635), in the Lenox Library; but the "Table des Chapitres" we obtain
from that library's copy of the second edition, as this feature is not
a part of the first. These two editions are known to bibliographers as
"H. 60" and "H. 61," respectively, because referred to in Harrisse's
_Notes_, nos. 60 and 61. The "Privilege" bears date, December 8, 1634,
four months and a day later than the date of the document.

_Collation of first edition_: Title, with verso blank, 1 l.; Privilege,
with verso blank, 1 l.; text, pp. 1-342. The signatures of the text
are in eights, except Y which is in six, the last three leaves being
blank, one of which is usually pasted to the cover. There are two
copies of this edition (H. 60) in the Lenox Library. In one of these
the paragraph of fourteen lines beginning, "Le 24. du mesme mois" is,
through an error, given on p. 327, after the paragraph commencing
with "Le premier de Iuillet." In the other copy this is corrected
by transposition, the former paragraph appearing on p. 326. This
peculiarity serves to fix the priority of editions; for in H. 61 the
reprinter has followed the corrected issue of H. 60 in this respect,
though not line for line. This is likewise true of the Avignon edition,
noticed below.

The second edition collates as follows: Title, with verso blank, 1 l.;
text, pp. 1-342; "Table des Chapitres," 1 l.; "Extraict du Priuilege du
Roy," with verso blank, 1 l. The signatures are A-Y in eights; sig. Y
consists of text, 3 ll.; table, 1 l.; privilege, 1 l.; blank, 3 ll.

The pagination is quite erratic. In two copies of the first edition
which we have examined, the following errors appear in both: 132
mispaged 332; 229 mispaged 129; 321 and 322 mispaged 323 and 324; 335
mispaged 33. In the first issue of this edition 66 and 67 are mispaged
67 and 68, and 70 and 71 are mispaged 60 and 61; but in the second
issue of this edition these latter mistakes have been corrected. In the
second edition 220, 221, 281, 310, and 321-336 are mispaged 200, 121,
283, 210, and 323-338, respectively.

The second edition (H. 61) is in every way a reprint, varying from
the first edition in line and page-lengths, in contractions, in
line-endings, in text, in folio headings, and in typographic style.
While the title-pages of both editions end similarly, line for line,
the type of the first edition is generally larger than that of the
second; L'ANNE'E and M DC. XXXV in the first, are printed L'ANNEE and
M. DC. XXXV, in the second edition. In the Privilege of the first
edition the head ornament consists of eighteen parts, bisected by
four dots; but in the second there are but seventeen parts without a
division. The word "consecutiues" in the first is printed "cõsecutiues"
in the second; many similar differences in the text, too numerous to
mention here, are evident. Among other differences may be noted the
fact that whereas, in the first edition, native words are sometimes set
in Roman and sometimes in Italic, they are uniformly in Italic in the
second edition.

There is still another, a third, edition of this Relation of 1634,
which may be designated as the Avignon edition. The only copy known
to us is in the Lenox Library. It is imperfect; for almost half of
the upper part of the title-page, half of leaf A₄ (pp. 7 and 8), and
nearly the whole of the last four pages (413-416) are lacking. It was
reprinted, together with the Relation of 1635, and the following title
is restored by conjecture, through the help of the wording of similar
lines in other Relations.

[Relations] | d[e ce qvi s'est passé] | en [la Novvelle France,] |
en [les années 1634 et 1635.] | Enuoyée a[u R. Pere Provincial de] |
la Compagni[e de Iesvs en la] | Prouince de F[rance.] | Par le Pere
le Ievne de la m[esme] | Compagnie, Superieur de la | Residence de
Kebec. | [_A cross patté_] | En Avignon, | De l'Imprimerie de Iaqves
Bramereav, | Imprimeur de sa Sainctetè, de la Ville, & | Vniuersité.
Auec permission des Superieurs | M. DC. XXXVI. |

_Collation_: Title, with verso blank, 1 l.; preface headed "A
MESSIEVRS," etc., pp. (8); Le Jeune's Relation of 1634, pp. 1-269; p.
270 blank; Relation of 1635, pp. 271-336; Brébeuf's Huron Relation,
pp. 337-392; Perrault's Relation of Cape Breton, pp. 393-400; "Divers
Sentimens," pp. 401-416. Sig. a in five, and A-Cc in eights. Sig. O is
by mistake printed Oo; pp. 27, 152, 212, 323, and 345 are mispaged 77,
52, 122, 223, and 245, respectively. There is a special preface, as
follows, covering eight unnumbered pages:

     A Messievrs les Prefect, Assistans, Conseillers, & Confreres
            de la grande Congregation de N. Dame erigée au
            College d'Auignon sous le tiltre de l'immaculee
                        Cōception de la Vierge.

  MESSIEVRS,

    _Voicy des Sauuages qui sortent de leurs forests, pour se produire
    au iour dans la France, & changer d'air & d'humeur dans le plus
    agreable seiour du monde. Ils_ [2] _viennent de paroistre à la
    Cour, ou l'on a pris plaisir a voir ces visages d'vn autre monde:
    le Roy les à veus comme l'vne des conquestes de sa pieté & celuy
    qui luy a presenté cette Relation à eu le mesme accueil que le
    courrier qui luy auroit porté les nouuelles d'vne Prouince gaignée.
    Ce grand Genie de l'Estat venant de forcer l'Heresie dans ses
    meilleures villes, a fait passer encore son zele au dela des mers,
    pour y donner la chasse à l'Idolatrie, iusques dans ses forests.
    Il est vray qu'il a fallu plus de sueur que de sang en vne guerre,
    d'où l'on ne pretendoit autre auantage que sur des ames, & où l'on
    ne_ [3] _vouloit rien gaigner que sur des esprits, qui ne sont
    difficiles a estre vaincus, que parce qu'ils sont trop foibles.
    Vous verrez des catécumenes, chez qui la premiere disposition pour
    estre Chrestiens, c'est de deuenir Hommes; & peutestre que vous
    benirez auec moy les trauaux de ces conquerans de la Croix, que
    la charité arrache du sein de leur patrie pour changer le Ciel de
    la Frãce en vn climat qui voit d'autres astres que cettui-cy, &
    où l'on n'a rien de commun auec nous que les Elemens. Au reste ie
    vous presente cet ouurage comme vne piece qui est toute acquise
    à vostre Maistresse, & que i'appends comme_ [4] _vn anatheme
    voué à cet auguste Oratoire où la Reyne du Ciel voit autour de
    ses Autels l'vne des plus honorables assemblées qui soient en
    France. Vous aurez de la consolation à voir des Pays inconnus,
    qui donnent des seruiteurs à +MARIE+, & la passion que vous auez
    pour sa gloire, vous fera prendre vos interests dans les heureux
    progrez que ces commencemens nous promettent, puisque la creance
    du Fils est la premiere disposition à l'honneur de la Mere: vous
    estes les domestiques de l'vn & de l'autre; & voicy des Estrangers
    qui cherchent de la faueur, & qui esperent que comme +MARIE+_ [5]
    _agréera le bon accueil que ses deuots feront aux nouueaux subiets
    de +JESVS+ aussi +IESVS+ les verra de bon œil, si les deuots de
    +MARIE+ les luy presentent. Que si nos Canadois à leur abord vous
    saluent de mauuaise grace, Messieurs, ne vous rebutez pas; ce sont
    les complimens d'vn peuple qui voit plus souuent des Elans que des
    hommes, & que nos François appriuoisent à la vie ciuile, sous des
    cabanes. Ie sçay bien que dans l'estat ou vous les verrez vous ne
    leur donnerez aucun autre rapport auec nous que celuy de la figure,
    & que vous iugerez que dans le rang des natures intelligentes,_
    [6] _ils composent vne espece nouuelle, entre l'hōme & la beste: &
    cela mesme à mon iugemēt doit seruir à les faire mieux receuoir,
    puisque vous lirez sur ces faces mal-faittes les obligatiõs
    immortelles que vous auez à cette Prouidence qui à contribué autant
    de perfections differentes pour vous rendre accomplis, qu'elle a
    laissé de defauts dans les corps, & dans les esprits de nos pauures
    Sauuages. Peutestre que le commerce qu'ils ont auec nos François
    leur sera vne leçon ordinaire de cette humanité dont nous tenons
    eschole ouuerte à toute l'Europe. Qui sçait si ces landes steriles
    seront vn iour l'vne des_ [7] _belles parties du monde. Pourrions
    nous bien desauoüer que ces belles Prouinces que nous habitōs
    maintenant, & où les Nations estrangeres viennent faire l'amour
    aux Graces, n'ayent esté autrefois la Nouuelle France? & les Peres
    de ceux qui viennent estudier chez nous l'art de viure auec les
    hommes, n'ont-ils pas fait passer nos ancestres pour des Barbares?
    Que si nos Peres ont seulement adoré des Dieux d'or & de marbre,
    nos Sauuages ne sont pas plus impies, pour estre superstitieux auec
    moins de despense; & tousiours ils auront cet auantage qu'ils ne
    perdront pas tant a brusler leurs Idoles. Que si_ [8] _vous agrées
    (Messieurs) cete offre, ie redoubleray mes vœus & mes prieres
    pour haster la conuersion de ces peuples afin que ma presse suë
    plus souuent, & trauaille sur quelque ouurage plus grand ou vous
    recognoistrez que ie suis._

  _MESSIEVRS_,

  Vostre tres-humble & tres obeissant seruiteur.

                                                     +IAQVES BRAMEREAV.+

The Avignon has one peculiarity which we have not seen noted elsewhere.
Signature F ends on p. 96 with the catch-word "Pour." In commencing
the next sheet, signature G, the printer begins with the word "Pour"
found near top of p. 130 of the Paris first issue; from that point, he
continues his type-setting, seemingly without discovering that he has
omitted the whole of the matter from line 4, p. 125, to line 3, p. 130
of the Paris first edition.

Harrisse's descriptions (nos. 60, 61, and 64) are entirely useless,
being in these titles very inaccurate. There are errors and omissions,
too, in Sabin, vol. xvi., p. 537, nos. iii. and iv. As the statements
of other catalogues and bibliographies are generally based on these,
we omit, in this case, to refer to them. Copies of the Paris editions
have been sold or priced as follows: Barlow (1889), no. 1274, $25.;
O'Callaghan (1882), no. 1215, first edition, $9.; no. 1213, second
edition, but called there first, $65.--it had cost him 68 francs; Moore
sale, pt. 2 (1894), no. 639, second edition, $10.; Dufossé, of Paris,
priced (1891 and 1892) at 150 francs; Harrassowitz, of Leipzig, priced
(1882) at 180 marks. Copies of the Paris editions, first or second,
may be found in the following libraries: Lenox (2 editions), Harvard,
Library of Parliament (Ottawa), Brown (private), British Museum, and
Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris.




NOTES TO VOL. VI


(_Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages of
English text._)

1 (p. 35).--This was the motto of the Society of Jesus; it was a
favorite expression with Loyola, and was adopted by him as the rule of
his life. It became thus the rule of the Jesuit order, expressing the
consecration of the lives of its members "to the greater glory of God."

2 (p. 35).--Jean de Lauson (or Lauzon), one of the most influential
men in the affairs of Canada during more than thirty years, was born in
1582. In 1627, he was a member of both the state and privy councils;
a member of the tribunal known as "requêtes de l'hotel," whose office
was to bring petitions of individuals before the royal council; and
president of the grand council. In the same year, he was appointed
intendant of Richelieu's Company of New France, holding this post for
about ten years. He acquired, for both himself and his family, large
seigniories; the most important of these was the island of Montreal,
which, however, he transferred (Aug. 7, 1640) to Dauversière and his
associates, who founded the Montreal colony.

In January, 1651, Lauson was appointed governor of Canada, where he
arrived in October following. Nine days later, he married (as his
second wife) Anne Després, sister-in-law of Sieur Duplessis-Bochart
(see vol. v., _note_ 34). Lauson's administration, lasting till the
end of 1656, was marked by quarrels with the Montreal colony, and by
general disaffection among the residents of Canada. He cared less,
apparently, for the needs or welfare of the country than for his own
aggrandizement; and he was unfitted, by age and by lack of resolution,
for the position he held,--especially at this time, when the Iroquois
were a constant menace to the entire St. Lawrence region. He was,
however, friendly to the Jesuits, and conferred many favors upon them.
He died in February, 1666.

3 (p. 37).--Davost and Daniel had arrived, with the latter's brother,
at the Grand Cibou (Cape Breton), in 1632; and in the following year
they went thence to Quebec with Champlain (see vol. v., _notes_ 53, 54).

4 (p. 43).--Concerning Three Rivers, see vol. iv., _note_ 24.

5 (p. 43).--Jacques Buteux was born at Abbeville, April 11, 1600;
and at the age of twenty entered the Jesuit novitiate at Rouen. His
studies were pursued at La Flèche; he was an instructor at Caen during
1625-29, and superintendent of the school at Clermont, 1633-34. In
the latter year, he was sent to the Canada mission, and in September
went with Le Jeune to the new settlement of Three Rivers. Here he
remained (as superior, during 1639-42, and 1647-52), ministering to the
Montagnais and Algonkin tribes, among whom he frequently journeyed.
His death occurred May 10, 1652, while ascending the St. Maurice
River, on a journey to the country of the Attikamègues; attacked by a
hostile band of Iroquois, he was slain by them, and thrown into the
river. Buteux, though of frail and delicate physique, was filled with
zeal for the conversion of the savages, and longed for the glory of a
martyr's death. Mother Mary of the Incarnation writes that his was "an
incredible loss to the mission."

6 (p. 47).--_All our men_: a number of skilled artisans had been
sent over in 1634, with Le Jeune; and they proceeded, under De Nouë's
direction, to rebuild the Jesuit residence, which had suffered greatly
during the capture of Quebec and the English occupation. They also
built a small house for the priests in charge of Champlain's chapel,
Notre Dame de Récouvrance (see vol. iv., _note_ 20).

7 (p. 69).--_Notre-Dame des Anges_: this name was given first by the
Récollets to their convent at Quebec (see vol. iv., _note_ 22); the
Jesuits adopted the appellation for their own church and residence
not far distant, on the site once occupied by Cartier's fort, at the
confluence of the St. Charles and Lairet rivers. The Jesuits were
granted, in 1626, a seigniory on the St. Charles, which was named
Notre-Dame des Anges.

8 (p. 75).--Robert Giffard, sieur of Beauport, was born in 1587,
at Mortagne, France. He was a physician, and Sulte says that he had
an appointment in that capacity, on the ships that were annually
sent to Canada. In 1627, he had a hunting-lodge at La Canardière,
where two Frenchmen were murdered by the Indians. He left Canada,
upon its seizure by the English; but having obtained (Jan. 15, 1634)
the concession of Beauport, below Quebec, he, in the following May,
conducted thither a colony, under the escort of Duplessis-Bochart.
He was (after Hébert) the first real colonist in Canada, the first
who obtained from the soil support for his establishment. Lists of
Giffard's censitaires are given by Sulte (_Can.-Français_, vol. ii.,
pp. 50-52, 57). In 1647, he obtained another and larger grant of land,
known as the fief St. Gabriel. He transferred a part of this concession
to the Hurons of New Lorette, March 13, 1651; another part to the
hospital nuns (which order one of his daughters had joined two years
before), Aug. 20, 1652; and the remainder to the Jesuits, Nov. 2, 1657,
but five months before his death. In September, 1648, Giffard was
elected a member of the colonial council. In August, 1652, his daughter
Marie Louise (then aged thirteen) married Charles de Lauson, son of the
governor. Giffard was a prominent and public-spirited citizen of New
France.

9 (p. 101).--Nicholas Rohault, Marquis de Gamache (or Gamaches), was
a nobleman of Picardy. His eldest son, René Rohault, was born May
25, 1609, not far from Amiens, in which city he was a pupil at the
Jesuit college. René became a novice in that order, March 9, 1626, at
Paris,--largely through the influence of Coton, then provincial of
France, whose death occurred but ten days later. Upon entering his
novitiate, René persuaded his father to give the Jesuits a part of his
own patrimony, for the establishment of a school in connection with
their Canadian mission. De Gamache accordingly gave them, for his son,
16,000 écus of gold (Charlevoix erroneously says 6,000); and added, as
a personal gift from himself, an annuity of 3,000 livres, to be paid as
long as he should live. René pursued his studies successively at Paris,
Amiens, Eu, and La Flèche, and preached three years at Eu, where he
died June 29, 1839.

Le Jeune had opened, about the beginning of 1633, at the residence
of Notre Dame des Anges, a school for such Indian children as he
could collect from wandering families or parties camping near
Quebec,--Montagnais or Algonkin. In the summer of 1636, a few boys were
brought from the Huron country by Daniel and Davost; and these, with
two lads who had been presented to Le Jeune, were the nucleus of the
"seminary" or boarding-school that had been so ardently desired by the
missionaries, Récollet as well as Jesuit. After continuing this school
nearly five years, the Jesuits abandoned it, in order to carry on the
college at Quebec (which had been established through the gift of De
Gamache), and an Indian settlement at Sillery.--See Creuxius' _Hist.
Canad._, pp. 7, 8; and Rochemonteix's _Jésuites_, vol. i., pp. 205-209,
280-287.

10 (p. 103).--Kingsford says (_Canada_, vol. 1., p. 130): "One
regulation which Champlain instituted remains in force to this day. He
directed that, in New France, the _Angelus_ should be rung at morning,
mid-day, and evening,--a social as well as a religious necessity, in a
community where there were few clocks, watches, or sun-dials.

"The _Angelus_ is so called from the short Latin prayer made at the
hour indicated by the ringing of the church bell. In summer the morning
hour is six, in winter it is seven; the bell is also rung at noon, and
at seven in the evening." The devotion of the Angelus was instituted by
Pope John XXII., in 1316.

11 (p. 105).--Cf. with this account of Jacques Michel, that given by
Champlain, in _Voyages_ (1632), pp. 230, 252, 256-262.

12 (p. 119).--Concerning Pierre Antoine (Pastedechouan), the
Montagnais interpreter, see vol. v., _note_ 33.

13 (p. 129).--For sketch of Oliver Le Tardif, see vol. v., _note_ 49.

14 (p. 147).--_The Sorcerer_: Carigonan, a noted medicine man among
the Montagnais, and a brother of Pierre Antoine. A third brother, with
whom Le Jeune lived while wintering with the tribe, was named Mestigoit.

15 (p. 151).--The abandonment of the Indian village at Three Rivers,
here referred to, would seem to have occurred some time after the
League of the Five Nations was formed (soon after 1600). See vol. v.,
_note_ 52.

16 (p. 157).--See Le Jeune's account of legends regarding Messou and
Atahocan, vol. v., pp. 153-157, and _note_ 41. Cf. the "comparative
study of the Nanibozhu legend" given by Chamberlain in _Journal of
American Folk-Lore_, vol. iv. (1891), pp. 193-213; and vol. v., p. 291.

17 (p. 159).--This curious legend suggests the Greek myth of Pandora.
Cf. a story related by Le Clercq, in his _Relation de la Gaspesie_
(Paris, 1691), pp. 310-326, of a soul that was brought back by a
bereaved father from the Land of Souls, and lost through the curiosity
of a woman. On the ideas of immortality current among the aborigines,
see Sagard's _Canada_, pp. 497, 498; Champlain's _Voyages_ (1632), part
i., p. 127; Tailhan's _Perrot_, pp. 40-43, 184, 185; Schoolcraft's
_Ind. Tribes_, vol., iii., p. 60, and vol. v., p. 79; and Parkman's
_Jesuits_, pp. lxxx.-lxxxiii.

18 (p. 163).--_Castelogne_: a woolen blanket. The name, originally a
commercial term, and used especially in Normandy, seems to have been
derived from Catalonia, Spain, where this article was manufactured.
Clapin's _Dictionnaire Canadien-Français_ (Montreal, 1894) states that
the name "castelogne" is still used in Canada, to designate a home-made
rug of odds and ends.

19 (p. 253).--The _Mercure François_, vol. xix. (1633), p. 841, thus
speaks of the influence of liquor on the Indians, and Champlain's
attitude toward the traffic, in an account of the latter's voyage to
Canada (1633), written by "a reliable person who made the voyage with
him:" "Our Savages--not only men, but women and girls--are such lovers
of brandy that they get swinishly intoxicated, since the English made
them acquainted with this beverage, which causes numberless quarrels
among them. When they get tipsy, they fight, and batter each other with
their fists; they break into the cabins, and tear them in pieces; and
in this state they may do some foul deed, and murder us,--as some time
ago they threatened a sailor, and, if he had not thrown himself into
the water, I know not what they might have done to him,--and thence
would arise broils and commotion throughout the country. Sieur de
Champlain, considering this, and realizing the misfortunes that would
arise therefrom, deems it expedient to issue a stringent prohibition
of traffic, in any manner whatsoever, in brandy,--under penalty of
corporal punishment, and loss of his wages, for any one caught in
selling brandy and wine."

The missionaries of all the orders, notably the Jesuits, persistently
opposed the sale of liquor to the Indians; but in this course they
aroused powerful and unscrupulous enemies, as we shall see in later
volumes.

20 (p. 257).--_Obole_: a small copper coin of early French currency,
named from the Greek ὀβολός. Its value was one-half that of a denier
tournois (which equaled one-twelfth of a sou). The obole is mentioned
as early as 1329. The word is used in the present text, however, to
signify, in a general way, a very small sum, in the same manner that
the English often use the word "penny," or "farthing."

21 (p. 271).--For information on the elk and moose, see vol. ii.,
_note_ 34; on the caribou, see vol. iii., _note_ 17.

22 (p. 271).--_The whistler, or nightingale_: so named from the shrill
whistle it utters on the approach of an enemy. The hoary marmot, or
whistler (_Arctomys pruinosus_): a hibernant rodent, of the _Sciuridæ_
or squirrel family; its flesh is esteemed a delicacy by the Indians,
who also sew the skins into robes or blankets.

23 (p. 273).--Concerning these roots, see vol. v., _note_ 29. The
"rosary" is doubtless _Apios tuberosa_; its roots were and still are
used as food by the aborigines. It has been found as far north as
latitude 47°, on the Lower St. Lawrence. It is figured and described
by Charlevoix, in _Plantes Principales de l'Amérique Septentrionale_
(Paris, 1744), p. 21.

24 (p. 273).--_Michtan_: the sugar-maple (_Acer saccharinum_). This
tree was found, by early explorers, growing abundantly throughout
Canada and the Atlantic region. Lafitau tells how the Indians made
sugar from its sap (_Mœurs des Sauvages_, part ii., pp. 154-157) and
gives a pictorial illustration of the process. Cf. Schoolcraft's _Ind.
Tribes_, vol. ii., pp. 55, 56; Bouchette's _British Dominions in N.
America_ (London, 1832), pp. 371, 372; and Carr's "Food of Amer. Inds,"
_Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, vol. x., part i., p. 170.

25 (p. 273).--The early explorers found tobacco cultivated by the
natives along the entire Atlantic coast. Cartier saw it in use on
the St. Lawrence; Champlain, under cultivation at San Domingo and
on the coast of Maine; Strachey, on the James River (where it was
called _apooke_). The Northern species was _Nicotiana rustica_,
smaller and of milder quality than _N. tabacum_ of the South. It was
generally known among the Indians as _petun_ (a word of Brazilian
origin).--See Pickering's _Chron. Hist. of Plants_, pp. 741, 742.
Champlain mentions it (Laverdière's ed., p. 50) as "tobacco, also
called petung, or Queen's plant." It is figured by De Bry in Wyth's
_Portraits of Inhabitants of Virginia_ (1590), plates 1, 22,--reprinted
by Langley (N. Y., 1841). For descriptions of its preparation and use,
see Cartier's _Brief Récit_ (Tross ed.), p. 31; Lescarbot's _Nouv.
France_, pp. 838, 840; Lafitau's _Mœurs des Sauvages_, part ii., pp.
126-139. Lescarbot says: "The good Tobacco that comes from Brazil costs
sometimes an écu the pound." Tobacco was highly prized by the American
Indians, and often figured in their myths, religious rites, and
sacrifices; much information concerning these is given by _Jour. Amer.
Folk-Lore_.

The pipes used in smoking were often elaborately carved and otherwise
ornamented. Creuxius has an illustration (_Hist. Canad._, p. 76) of
an Indian smoking a long pipe; Schoolcraft gives descriptions and
engravings of various sculptured pipes, in _Ind. Tribes_, vol. i., pp.
72, 74; vol. ii., p. 511. Cf. _Bureau of Ethnology Report_, 1890-91,
pp. 323-354, etc.; and 1891-92, pp. 128-134. The pipe was ceremoniously
smoked at councils, especially when a treaty was under consideration.

26 (p. 275).--_Hippocras_: an old medicinal drink composed of
wine with an infusion of spices and other ingredients, used as a
cordial.--_Century Dictionary_ (N. Y., 1889).




Transcriber's Note.

Variable spelling and hyphenation have been retained. Minor punctuation
inconsistencies have been silently repaired.


Corrections.

The first line indicates the original, the second the correction.

p. 105:

  bereft him of all conciousness
  bereft him of all consciousness

p. 133:

  her Father was called in Algonqauin,
  her Father was called in Algonquain,





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